- Archaeology, Maritime Archaeology, Public Archaeology, Ecology, Zooarchaeology, Archaeomalacology, and 26 moreGeoarchaeology, Microvertebrate taphonomy, Environmental Archaeology, Heritage Studies, Landscape Archaeology, Fish Remains (Zooarchaeology), Urban Ecology, War Studies, Settlement Patterns, Early Medieval Archaeology, Medieval Archaeology, Exploration History, Forest Ecology And Management, Zoology, Aquaculture, Archaeological Science, History, Viking Age Archaeology, Glass Beads, Resilience, Byzantium, Burial mounds (Archaeology), Medieval Bulgaria, Vendel period, Landscape Ecological Planning, and Ecological Planningedit
- I have since 2006 been involved in or directed various research projects at the Department of Archaeology and Ancient... moreI have since 2006 been involved in or directed various research projects at the Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Uppsala University. A large proportion of my work since 2010 have been focused on Gamla Uppsala where I have directed the project Gamla Uppsala - the emergence of a mythical centre. In April 2016 begins a new ten year chapter in my career, as co-director in the Viking phenomenon project, led by Neil Price.edit
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In the Late Iron Age, the Mälaren region contained a clearly stratified society and many sites in the landscape indicate the presence of an upper stratum, an elite. This concept – elite – may perhaps be seen as problematic, but in this... more
In the Late Iron Age, the Mälaren region contained a clearly stratified society and many sites in the landscape indicate the presence of an upper stratum, an elite. This concept – elite – may perhaps be seen as problematic, but in this case it is decidedly more neutral, and considerably less limiting and excluding than many other concepts.
The elite was a group that we know possessed larger farm buildings, more monumental and richly equipped graves as well as control over a large part of the specialised handicraft. The people in this elite group of society clearly advertised that they belonged to a special social unit. There are indications that these people had clear similarities with the nobility of the Middle Ages, but they were active in a society without any towns, Christianity or church administration. This dissertation discusses a number of issues concerning the elite of the Late Iron Age. Two studies are central. The first concerns six sites in the Mälaren region: Old Uppsala, Helgö, Vendel, Valsgärde, Husby in Glanshammar parish, and Ancient Sigtuna. The sites are compared to study the similarities and differences of elite settings. I investigate the evidence of different sources for the presence of great landownership, and of their importance for the rulers compared to other resources such as plunder, trade and taxation. The results indicate that the sites had many structural and economic similarities. At the same time, the resource use varied, and each site had its own unique character. The study is concluded with a discussion on the economic structure of the sites.
The second study deals with the elite in the vicinity of Uppsala, an area that mainly through Old Uppsala and the presence of boat graves are usually connected with ancient rulers. The investigation is mainly based on a number of excavated as well as non-excavated graves, some of which have never been published. In addition, a number of placenames and three unique ritual deposits are discussed. The study indicates that the people usually included in the concept of elite were quite common. This provides a new perspective for our view of two long renowned sites: Old Uppsala and Valsgärde.
The elite was a group that we know possessed larger farm buildings, more monumental and richly equipped graves as well as control over a large part of the specialised handicraft. The people in this elite group of society clearly advertised that they belonged to a special social unit. There are indications that these people had clear similarities with the nobility of the Middle Ages, but they were active in a society without any towns, Christianity or church administration. This dissertation discusses a number of issues concerning the elite of the Late Iron Age. Two studies are central. The first concerns six sites in the Mälaren region: Old Uppsala, Helgö, Vendel, Valsgärde, Husby in Glanshammar parish, and Ancient Sigtuna. The sites are compared to study the similarities and differences of elite settings. I investigate the evidence of different sources for the presence of great landownership, and of their importance for the rulers compared to other resources such as plunder, trade and taxation. The results indicate that the sites had many structural and economic similarities. At the same time, the resource use varied, and each site had its own unique character. The study is concluded with a discussion on the economic structure of the sites.
The second study deals with the elite in the vicinity of Uppsala, an area that mainly through Old Uppsala and the presence of boat graves are usually connected with ancient rulers. The investigation is mainly based on a number of excavated as well as non-excavated graves, some of which have never been published. In addition, a number of placenames and three unique ritual deposits are discussed. The study indicates that the people usually included in the concept of elite were quite common. This provides a new perspective for our view of two long renowned sites: Old Uppsala and Valsgärde.
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Contribution in the exhibition publication: The Vikings begin
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About a partially excavated settlement in northern Gamla Uppsala
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In Iron Age Sweden, the almost constantly dominating burial fashion is crema- tion burials in different variants . The inhumation burial rite is in comparison a very small but nonetheless important material . These graves often contain a... more
In Iron Age Sweden, the almost constantly dominating burial fashion is crema- tion burials in different variants . The inhumation burial rite is in comparison a very small but nonetheless important material . These graves often contain a more qualitative material than the cremations; they are in a high degree signs of their time and often manifestations made by the elite . This study is based upon slightly less than 100 inhumation burials from Middle and Northern Sweden . From a regional perspective there are major differences in the area of investigation . The vast majority of graves belong to the county of Uppland to which a large part of the discussion is focused .
A special emphasis is placed on the changes of the inhumation burial rite during the transition between the Migration and Vendel period . It is a time when the chamber burials of the previous period ceases to exist . For a short time can however somewhat simpler, in some degree high status burials still be found . Along the Fyris river appears a new type of inhumation in shape of boat burials . In other areas are we seeing completely new ways how the Vendel period elite are manifesting themselves . West of the Runsa fortress is the rich Migration period inhuma- tions superseded by far more monumental mounds covering cremation burials with new ways of displaying material wealth . These changes coincide with a mix of societal changes . The international exchange system with central Europe is being abandoned in favor of the North Sea region and the settlement system begins to stabilize after long term transition phase .
A special emphasis is placed on the changes of the inhumation burial rite during the transition between the Migration and Vendel period . It is a time when the chamber burials of the previous period ceases to exist . For a short time can however somewhat simpler, in some degree high status burials still be found . Along the Fyris river appears a new type of inhumation in shape of boat burials . In other areas are we seeing completely new ways how the Vendel period elite are manifesting themselves . West of the Runsa fortress is the rich Migration period inhuma- tions superseded by far more monumental mounds covering cremation burials with new ways of displaying material wealth . These changes coincide with a mix of societal changes . The international exchange system with central Europe is being abandoned in favor of the North Sea region and the settlement system begins to stabilize after long term transition phase .
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The Christianization process of Middle Sweden is classic topic, not the least due to Adam of Bremen and other writers, whom c. 1070 described the Svear as a pagan people, far from being as good Christians as many other people in... more
The Christianization process of Middle Sweden is classic topic, not the least due to Adam of Bremen and other writers, whom c. 1070 described the Svear as a pagan people, far from being as good Christians as many other people in Scandinavia. This article is an attempt to date and discuss the very last cremation and chamber graves in Uppland. Most previous research has been focused upon early possible Christian burials, not the last pagans burials. The 11th and 12th centuries are of various reasons chronologically weak compared to the earlier and later phases. But it is possible to use recent town stratigraphies from Sigtuna, coins and analogies to Gotland etc., in order to make better estimations than before. It now seems like central and northern Uppland have more late graves furnished with multiple objects and animal sacrifices than previously estimated. A considerable amount of grave fields in the Uppsala region contain such graves, dated from 1050/1075 and with high probability into the 12th c. They are contemporary with Christian rune stones and the accounts from Adam of Bremen and they evoke questions on how the last pagans and the first Christians were presented in death.
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This article deals with possibilities and problems of identifying female cult leaders in Late Iron Age Scandinavia with a focus on Vendel and Viking period Central Sweden. The last 20 years of settlement excavations have widened the... more
This article deals with possibilities and problems of identifying female cult leaders in Late Iron Age Scandinavia with a focus on Vendel and Viking period Central Sweden. The last 20 years of settlement excavations have widened the source material for interpreting Old Norse religious practice. We can now combine the grave material with a number of depots and cult related buildings that were more or less unknown ten years ago. The evidence we have reveals that rituals related to religious activities were performed by a wide variety of the population. However, it does seem more and more likely that cult houses, graves containing cult related objects and depots are strongly related to an elite from a scale stretching from the equivalent of a low aristocracy to royalty. Female graves are the most important source material for identifying the mistress of the cult as an individual. The subject is problematic, as professional priests or priestesses hardly existed in the Late Iron Age society. When we find cult related objects in a female grave, they are closely linked to the high status identity of the person in question. A cult leading function for females was thus clearly something that went hand in hand with her position in society.
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Constantinople is a city whose origin can be traced back to the establishment of Greek cities and colonies in early antiquity. Eventually it became the capital of the East Roman Empire, and since then its major role in the region has not... more
Constantinople is a city whose origin can be traced back to the establishment of Greek
cities and colonies in early antiquity. Eventually it became the capital of the East Roman
Empire, and since then its major role in the region has not diminished, whether under
the rule of Byzantine emperors or Ottoman sultans. For more than 2000 years the city
and its inhabitants have endured numerous changes and crises. Plague, war and economic
regression have at times reduced its population to only a fraction of the previous size. The
city has been subject to numerous sieges, the longest lasting eight years! Conquered only
once prior to the major transformation in 1453, the city flourished again after each crisis
and today it is still an important centre in this part of the world, on the border between
the Mediterranean and the Black Sea.
368
How could Constantinople maintain its leading position for such a long time, after
suffering so many crises? In this chapter, the authors emphasize that the ability of a city
to survive under stress has its fundamental origins in how the city was organized and
maintained. Special focus is put on the organizational and ecosystem services aspects of
urban agriculture in the city. The authors explore how the inhabitants of the ancient city
of Constantinople managed to maintain a resilient food supply system.
Constantinople differs in many ways from our modern cities, which are dependent
on resources from a global hinterland that are transported using fossil fuels, and thus it
can serve as an educational example for our time. At its first peak during the 6th century
it was dependent on a complex grain transport system with ships travelling all the way
to North Africa. This system collapsed in conjunction with the Arab expansion in the
7th century, and the collapse became a major part of a long recession that profoundly
affected the city. That the city nonetheless survived cannot be explained by any single
factor. The answer must be sought through a holistic perspective in which the variety of
resource assets is seen as playing a major role. A particularly interesting aspect, related to
today’s global transport system, is the urban agriculture system within and just outside
the city walls. The walls did not constitute the limits for a densely populated area. They
rather delimited an area with dispersed “sub-communities” and numerous acres of, for
example, orchards and vineyards. These areas could apparently sustain the population
with a considerable amount of food and probably were important for the city’s ability
to withstand sieges and periods of food shortage. This system was continuous and was
maintained by the inhabitants’ living memory as well as by important institutions. In our
society, where the supply of food is considered as something obvious, one can question
whether we lack memory as well as preparations for similar crises despite the fact that the
food supply crisis of the Second World War is only 65 years behind us.
cities and colonies in early antiquity. Eventually it became the capital of the East Roman
Empire, and since then its major role in the region has not diminished, whether under
the rule of Byzantine emperors or Ottoman sultans. For more than 2000 years the city
and its inhabitants have endured numerous changes and crises. Plague, war and economic
regression have at times reduced its population to only a fraction of the previous size. The
city has been subject to numerous sieges, the longest lasting eight years! Conquered only
once prior to the major transformation in 1453, the city flourished again after each crisis
and today it is still an important centre in this part of the world, on the border between
the Mediterranean and the Black Sea.
368
How could Constantinople maintain its leading position for such a long time, after
suffering so many crises? In this chapter, the authors emphasize that the ability of a city
to survive under stress has its fundamental origins in how the city was organized and
maintained. Special focus is put on the organizational and ecosystem services aspects of
urban agriculture in the city. The authors explore how the inhabitants of the ancient city
of Constantinople managed to maintain a resilient food supply system.
Constantinople differs in many ways from our modern cities, which are dependent
on resources from a global hinterland that are transported using fossil fuels, and thus it
can serve as an educational example for our time. At its first peak during the 6th century
it was dependent on a complex grain transport system with ships travelling all the way
to North Africa. This system collapsed in conjunction with the Arab expansion in the
7th century, and the collapse became a major part of a long recession that profoundly
affected the city. That the city nonetheless survived cannot be explained by any single
factor. The answer must be sought through a holistic perspective in which the variety of
resource assets is seen as playing a major role. A particularly interesting aspect, related to
today’s global transport system, is the urban agriculture system within and just outside
the city walls. The walls did not constitute the limits for a densely populated area. They
rather delimited an area with dispersed “sub-communities” and numerous acres of, for
example, orchards and vineyards. These areas could apparently sustain the population
with a considerable amount of food and probably were important for the city’s ability
to withstand sieges and periods of food shortage. This system was continuous and was
maintained by the inhabitants’ living memory as well as by important institutions. In our
society, where the supply of food is considered as something obvious, one can question
whether we lack memory as well as preparations for similar crises despite the fact that the
food supply crisis of the Second World War is only 65 years behind us.
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Dating two royal mounds of Old Uppsala – evaluating the elite of the 6th-7th century in Middle Sweden The perhaps most famous excavated iron age graves in Sweden are the East- and West Mounds of Old Uppsala (Gamla Uppsala) in Uppland,... more
Dating two royal mounds of Old Uppsala – evaluating the elite of the 6th-7th century in Middle Sweden
The perhaps most famous excavated iron age graves in Sweden are the East- and West Mounds of Old Uppsala (Gamla
Uppsala) in Uppland, Middle Sweden. After a debate which lasted from the 1920s to the late 1940s it was widely
accepted that these mounds belonged to the Migration period. According to the regular Swedish chronology this
means a date before the middle of the 6th century. I believe that this view is wrong and that it has not seriously been
challenged since 1948. To date the mounds to the late 6th and even the early 7th century has a serious effect upon how
elite, society and international relations should be interpreted.
The perhaps most famous excavated iron age graves in Sweden are the East- and West Mounds of Old Uppsala (Gamla
Uppsala) in Uppland, Middle Sweden. After a debate which lasted from the 1920s to the late 1940s it was widely
accepted that these mounds belonged to the Migration period. According to the regular Swedish chronology this
means a date before the middle of the 6th century. I believe that this view is wrong and that it has not seriously been
challenged since 1948. To date the mounds to the late 6th and even the early 7th century has a serious effect upon how
elite, society and international relations should be interpreted.
Research Interests:
""Compared with the amount of attention paid to materials from the Roman and Viking periods, little research has been carried out into Byzantine imports to Scandinavia in the period 560/570-750/800 AD. To a large extent, this can be... more
""Compared with the amount of attention paid to materials from the Roman and Viking periods, little research has been
carried out into Byzantine imports to Scandinavia in the period 560/570-750/800 AD. To a large extent, this can be
explained by the spectacular inflow of materials from these periods in the forym of coins, Roman bronze vessels, glass,
etc. This article can be considered as part of an attempt to overlap the above-mentioned older and younger periods with
regard to the import from Byzantium and its sphere of interest, including the Red Sea, Africa and perhaps some
bordering regions in the Mediterranean, depending on how closely a type of object can be related to a specific region.
The study is mainly based upon small finds in the shape of amethyst beads, ivory rings, cowrie shells, evidence of silk
and other both exclusive and today quite anonymous objects. The study reveals that the regular import of objects from
the eastern Mediterranean and beyond existed before the massive inflow of goods during the Viking period (beginning
in 750/800 AD). The results also reinforce the concept that the female Scandinavian elite had an ambition to show a
con nection between themselves and their Western European counterparts in particular, not by wearing similar metal
jewellery, but via other objects in their dress. In this case, objects with a Byzantine origin played a prominent role.""
carried out into Byzantine imports to Scandinavia in the period 560/570-750/800 AD. To a large extent, this can be
explained by the spectacular inflow of materials from these periods in the forym of coins, Roman bronze vessels, glass,
etc. This article can be considered as part of an attempt to overlap the above-mentioned older and younger periods with
regard to the import from Byzantium and its sphere of interest, including the Red Sea, Africa and perhaps some
bordering regions in the Mediterranean, depending on how closely a type of object can be related to a specific region.
The study is mainly based upon small finds in the shape of amethyst beads, ivory rings, cowrie shells, evidence of silk
and other both exclusive and today quite anonymous objects. The study reveals that the regular import of objects from
the eastern Mediterranean and beyond existed before the massive inflow of goods during the Viking period (beginning
in 750/800 AD). The results also reinforce the concept that the female Scandinavian elite had an ambition to show a
con nection between themselves and their Western European counterparts in particular, not by wearing similar metal
jewellery, but via other objects in their dress. In this case, objects with a Byzantine origin played a prominent role.""
Research Interests:
This chapter uses insights from resilience thinking in analysing a two-thousand-year period of ancient and modern Constantinople, addressing one of the great challenges of the Urban Anthropocene: how to nurture an ecologically sound... more
This chapter uses insights from resilience thinking in analysing a two-thousand-year period
of ancient and modern Constantinople, addressing one of the great challenges of the Urban
Anthropocene: how to nurture an ecologically sound urbanisation. One of the lessons is
that Constantinople maintained a diversity of insurance strategies to a greater degree than
many historical and contemporary urban centres. It invested heavily not only in military
infrastructure but also in systems for supplying, storing, and producing food and water.
From major granaries and at least four harbours the citizens could receive seaborne goods,
but during sieges the trade networks broke down. At those times, when supplies ran dry,
there were possibilities to cultivate food within the defensive walls and to catch fish in the
Golden Horn. Repeated sieges, which occurred on average every fifty years, generated a
diversity of social-ecological memories – the means by which the knowledge, experience,
and practice of how to manage a local ecosystem were stored and transmitted in a
community. These memories existed in multiple groups of society, partly as a response to
the collapse of long-distance, seaborne, grain transports from Egypt. Food production and
transports were decentralized into a plethora of smaller subsistence communities (oikoi),
which also sold the surplus to the markets of the city. In this way Constantinople became
more self-reliant on regional ecosystems. An additional result was that the defensive walls
were moved, not in order to construct more buildings but to increase the proportion
of gardens and agricultural land. In a comparison with Cairo, it can be seen that these
innovations related to enhanced self-reliance in food production made it possible for
392
Constantinople to bounce back from extreme hardships, such as extended sieges, without
collapsing into chaos or moral decay. Transformed urban morphology of the city would
simply remind residents, through the visual presence of a living garden culture, of the
importance of the latter for food security. Without the gardens the long intervals between
sieges would probably have been enough to dissolve living memory. Hence, the urban
resilience of Constantinople was enhanced, promoting well-established old regimes and
traditions of importance for producing ecosystem services to society while at the same
time testing and refining new and successful regimes, or in other words through the
interplay of memory and innovation. Currently, and even more so in decades to come, the
mindsets of urban people hold power in a global arena. Questions related to how the loss
of green space in metropolitan landscapes will affect worldviews are worrisome since it is
the desires and demands of urban people that will affect future decisions and essentially
determine the fate of the planet. People throughout the world, and not least in Western
societies, need to be constantly reminded of our dependence on a living planet and stay
motivated to support it. Social-ecological memories related to local food production have
to be nurtured in urban landscapes as well, and an urban morphology is needed that
strengthens ecological awareness across urban populations rather than the opposite.
of ancient and modern Constantinople, addressing one of the great challenges of the Urban
Anthropocene: how to nurture an ecologically sound urbanisation. One of the lessons is
that Constantinople maintained a diversity of insurance strategies to a greater degree than
many historical and contemporary urban centres. It invested heavily not only in military
infrastructure but also in systems for supplying, storing, and producing food and water.
From major granaries and at least four harbours the citizens could receive seaborne goods,
but during sieges the trade networks broke down. At those times, when supplies ran dry,
there were possibilities to cultivate food within the defensive walls and to catch fish in the
Golden Horn. Repeated sieges, which occurred on average every fifty years, generated a
diversity of social-ecological memories – the means by which the knowledge, experience,
and practice of how to manage a local ecosystem were stored and transmitted in a
community. These memories existed in multiple groups of society, partly as a response to
the collapse of long-distance, seaborne, grain transports from Egypt. Food production and
transports were decentralized into a plethora of smaller subsistence communities (oikoi),
which also sold the surplus to the markets of the city. In this way Constantinople became
more self-reliant on regional ecosystems. An additional result was that the defensive walls
were moved, not in order to construct more buildings but to increase the proportion
of gardens and agricultural land. In a comparison with Cairo, it can be seen that these
innovations related to enhanced self-reliance in food production made it possible for
392
Constantinople to bounce back from extreme hardships, such as extended sieges, without
collapsing into chaos or moral decay. Transformed urban morphology of the city would
simply remind residents, through the visual presence of a living garden culture, of the
importance of the latter for food security. Without the gardens the long intervals between
sieges would probably have been enough to dissolve living memory. Hence, the urban
resilience of Constantinople was enhanced, promoting well-established old regimes and
traditions of importance for producing ecosystem services to society while at the same
time testing and refining new and successful regimes, or in other words through the
interplay of memory and innovation. Currently, and even more so in decades to come, the
mindsets of urban people hold power in a global arena. Questions related to how the loss
of green space in metropolitan landscapes will affect worldviews are worrisome since it is
the desires and demands of urban people that will affect future decisions and essentially
determine the fate of the planet. People throughout the world, and not least in Western
societies, need to be constantly reminded of our dependence on a living planet and stay
motivated to support it. Social-ecological memories related to local food production have
to be nurtured in urban landscapes as well, and an urban morphology is needed that
strengthens ecological awareness across urban populations rather than the opposite.
Research Interests:
This article discusses material culture and European history during the time span between AD 400 and 800. During this and many other phases of history, Scandinavia was separated from other parts of Europe in more than one way. Its regions... more
This article discusses material culture and European history during the time span between AD 400 and 800.
During this and many other phases of history, Scandinavia was separated from other parts of Europe in
more than one way. Its regions and countries have almost always been at a distance from the main conflicts
on the continent (though not necessarily remaining unaffected). There is no evidence that parts of
Scan dinavia were conquered by any of the big empires or were in the path of major migrations. In the long
his torical perspective, the Scandinavians instead were either spectators or plunderers and conquerors. But
whether they were active on the continent or not, there have always been contacts of some sort with the
continent. Archaeologically this is reflected in imported goods and domestic objects influenced by foreign
cultures. These contacts have continuously affected the religion, economy and social life of people in Scan -
dinavia.
This paper focuses upon imported goods found primarily in present-day Sweden, and dated between the
5th and 9th centuries AD. The nature of this trade and exchange is a very broad subject, which is hard to
cover in a single article. Here I shall present an overview of different types of imports that reached Scan -
dinavia in the period concerned. There is a need for a broad view, as different materials may provide different
answers or perhaps strengthen earlier interpretations. I will also try to develop previous researcher’s
views upon distinct changes in the trading patterns around the middle of the 6th century.
During this and many other phases of history, Scandinavia was separated from other parts of Europe in
more than one way. Its regions and countries have almost always been at a distance from the main conflicts
on the continent (though not necessarily remaining unaffected). There is no evidence that parts of
Scan dinavia were conquered by any of the big empires or were in the path of major migrations. In the long
his torical perspective, the Scandinavians instead were either spectators or plunderers and conquerors. But
whether they were active on the continent or not, there have always been contacts of some sort with the
continent. Archaeologically this is reflected in imported goods and domestic objects influenced by foreign
cultures. These contacts have continuously affected the religion, economy and social life of people in Scan -
dinavia.
This paper focuses upon imported goods found primarily in present-day Sweden, and dated between the
5th and 9th centuries AD. The nature of this trade and exchange is a very broad subject, which is hard to
cover in a single article. Here I shall present an overview of different types of imports that reached Scan -
dinavia in the period concerned. There is a need for a broad view, as different materials may provide different
answers or perhaps strengthen earlier interpretations. I will also try to develop previous researcher’s
views upon distinct changes in the trading patterns around the middle of the 6th century.
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This is the database (excel sheet) used for article about Byzantine related objects in Scandinavia (mostly Sweden). See Ljungkvist 2010.