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After the Orgy

After the Orgy 

Toward a Politics of Exhaustion 

Dominic Pettman 

STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK PRESS

Published by 

State University of New York Press, Albany 

© 2002 State University of New York 

All rights reserved 

Printed in the United States of America 

Cover art courtesy of Merritt Symes 

No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever 

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 

Pettman, Dominic. 

After the orgy : toward a politics of exhaustion / Dominic Pettman. 

p. cm. – (The SUNY series in postmodern culture) 

Includes bibliographical references and index. 

ISBN 0-7914-5395-2 (alk. paper) – ISBN 0-7914-5396-0 (pbk. : alk. paper) 

1. Millennialism. 2. Civilization, Modern–1950- I. Title. II. Series. 

BL503.2.P47 2002 

306–dc21 

2001049417 

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

This book is dedicated to Merritt, who is my only answer to 

Baudrillard’s question, “With whom would you share this 

end?” She is my partner in time, and regularly had to weather 

the effects of dead, crazy European men, as channeled 

through myself. I dedicate this book to her — I hope it was 

worth it.

Preface / ix 

Acknowledgments / xiii 

Contents 

Introduction: After the Orgy / 1 

The Dating Game / 10 

The Coming of the Lord / 14 

Technological Revelation / 17 

A Note on Methodology / 21 

1. Panic Merchants: Prophecy and the Satyr / 25 

The Goat in the Machine / 31 

2. The Rapture of Rupture / 37 

Sade and the Death of God / 40 

Avoiding the Void / 42 

Eroticism and the Thanatic Asymptote / 48 

Nietzsche’s Dionysus / 52 

Nihilism and the Thirst for Annihilation / 57 

3. The Virtual Apocalypse / 63 

Virilio’s Accident / 67 

Bacchanical Man and Ballard’s Crash / 71 

Technol-orgy: From Autogeddon to Infocalypse / 78 

Snow Crash and Scopophilia / 82 

Cyborgies in the Dionysian Landscape / 88 

Carmageddon / 97 

vii

viii 

4. Decaying Forward: Satiety and Society / 99 

De-fragging the Self / 106 

Technologies of the Flesh / 110 

5. Cosmic Architects / 117 

Immaculate Contraception / 120 

Sexless Hydrogen: The Frisson of Fission / 124 

Dionysus in ‘69 / 130 

The Politics of Play / 137 

6. Playing at Catastrophe / 141 

Prêt-à-Mort: Necrophilia and Death Fashion / 141 

Close Encounters of the Third Kind: The Joachite 

Structure of Baudrillard’s Philosophy / 144 

“A Biocybernetic Self-Fulfilling Prophecy World Orgy I”: 

or Surviving the Necropolis / 152 

Temporary Autonomous Zones and the Archaic Revival / 157 

Civilization and Its Discotheques / 162 

After the Orgy (But Before the Test Results) / 168 

Conclusion: The Revelation Will not be Televised / 171 

Y2Care: Debugging the Millennium / 171 

The Owl of Minerva Versus the Millennium Falcon / 178 

Means to an End / 180 

Notes / 183 

Works Cited / 187 

Index / 199 

Contents

Preface 

We currently find ourselves in the strange position of living in the 

future itself. Since Arthur C. Clarke and Stanley Kubrick combined 

to make the quintessential science fiction movie, 2001 has signified 

“the future” for several generations, and it is now a matter of some 

significance that we have passed this date. To what extent our present 

moment resembles the 2001 of 1969 is best left to the specialists 

in astrophysics, artificial intelligence, xeno-theology, and interior 

design. My interest in this temporal telescoping is the phenomenon 

of cultural exhaustion that Clarke and Kubrick worked so 

hard to counter (through the millenarian figure of transcendence). 

We have passed the year 2001, and no monolith has visited us to 

help guide us to the next evolutionary upgrade. We experienced the 

inevitable anticlimax of the “unofficial” millennium of 2000, and 

barely noticed the “technical” changeover a year later. 

Such cultural malaise, of course, is not new: certain Western 

European minds felt they were living after the orgy over one hundred 

years ago, as I explore in the next section. Fatigue, I would 

argue, like boredom, is one of the fundamental notions in response 

to modernity, and yet is often dismissed as out of kilter with the 

exigencies of progress. (“Get with the program.”) That such fatigue 

is directly linked to the notion of progress, along with all of the 

technological leaps and bounds it demands, is somehow often lost in 

the translation to languages designed specifically to facilitate this 

progress (bureaucratic, instrumental, and scientific). The assumption 

is that cultural exhaustion may have an impact (via such figures 

as “future shock,” “chronic fatigue syndrome,” and “screen 

fatigue”), but that somehow humanity has limitless resources to 

counter the entropic aspects of the postmodern, postindustrial 

world. Hence the current emphasis on human resources in the public 

sector, the presumption being that each generation of graduates 

is the equivalent of a new major oil find. And technology itself provides 

the tools to counter the enervation that technology produces. 

ix

x 

Preface 

(“Sick and tired of the urban grind? Take these slow-release immunity-boosting 

pills.”) 

This book argues that the phenomenon of cultural exhaustion 

has shadowed the perceived progress of modernity itself since its 

staggered inception, and that the set of symptoms often designated 

as “postmodern” signal the eventual (and qualified) acknowledgment 

of this symbiosis. The fact that the second half of the twentieth 

century was always semiconscious of the imminent millennium 

only served to redeploy those discourses stemming from millenarianism 

itself, including apocalyptic anticipation, salvation, redemption, 

renovation, and revenge. 

If the human race was an Olympian marathon race mapped out 

by the ancient Greeks, then the twentieth century often saw itself as 

staggering exhausted toward the finish line. Paradoxically and 

simultaneously, however, it was attempting to turn society into a 

perpetual-motion machine. The triumph of the technological drive 

underscored and underwrote the teleological project of modernity, 

prompting a variety of reactions based on the recuperation of organic 

innocence. In this sense F. T. Marinetti and Marshall McLuhan 

are the logical dance partners of the Luddites and Jean Jacques 

Rousseau, for they all recognize the irreversibility of technology. 

Cultural exhaustion moves center stage the moment dialectical or 

cyclic solutions become untenable. A “revaluation of all values,” 

therefore, confronts the core narratives of the West the very moment 

these narratives are allegedly dissolving in the harsh light of relativism, 

pluralism, and an ethically precarious will-to-knowledge. 

One symptom of this temporal crisis is the “psychology of belatedness” 

so explicitly rendered by the nineteenth-century decadents: 

the sense that while society flourished around us, we—as worldhistorical 

subjects—were somehow left behind by the acceleration 

of history. Such a perspective maintained that in our race to reach 

the millennium, something crucial was overlooked, so that the 

human race has become simply the after-effect of an event we 

would never even comprehend, let alone witness. “History is the 

shockwave of eschatology,” says Terence McKenna (1991), capturing 

the proleptic logic of millenarianism, and the inbuilt obsolescence 

that it smuggles inside its narratives of salvation and revelation. 

Another more meticulous scholar, however—namely, Giorgio 

Agamben—provides us with a metaphysical model for the “beforeduring-after” 

economy of our relationship to duration and endings, 

both immanent and imminent. Incorporating both the insights of 

Martin Heidegger and the Japanese psychiatrist Kimura Bin, 

Agamben introduces the notion of post festum (after the celebration), 

“which indicates an irreparable past, an arrival at things that

Preface xi 

are already done” (1999: 125). This post festum speaks of a kind of 

ontological belatedness “which is always late with respect to itself,” 

and that probably needs little historical prompting before showing 

its melancholy face. Certain epochs may encourage the sense of 

missing the party more than others (in a collective reverence for the 

achievements of past ages designated “golden”) but there may be 

something even more fundamental that nurtures such historical 

rubbernecking (see, e.g., Walter Benjamin’s Angel of History). 

Such a state of mind is difficult to endure, since in order to navigate 

time we need something to look forward to. Here we have the 

essentially ante festum outlook of the utopian and the schizophrenic; 

a “temporality [that] corresponds to the primacy of the 

future in the form of projection and anticipation” (ibid.: 126). The 

paradox of such a proleptic orientation is that “it always risks missing 

itself and not being present at it’s own ‘celebration’” (ibid.). 

Agamben goes on to say that 

One might expect the temporal dimension of intra festum to correspond 

to a point . . . . in which human beings would finally gain 

access to a full self-presence, finding their dies festus [feast day]. 

But it is not so . . . . [As witnessed by epilepsy] the point in which 

the “I” is about to adhere to itself in the supreme moment of celebration, 

the epileptic crisis confirms consciousness’ incapacity to tolerate 

presence, to participate at its own celebration. (ibid.: 126-127) 

The orgiastic “farewell to flesh” that is carnival always already 

contains this paradoxical economy, an economy that I view as 

chiefly libidinal. 

Post-2001, we wake up with a historical hangover and ringing 

ears, but have no recollection of being at the party—a new dawn 

seems somehow less symbolic through bloodshot eyes. It then 

becomes significant how we answer Jean Baudrillard’s question: 

“What are you doing after the orgy?” Do we start by cleaning up the 

deflated balloons and tattered streamers? Or does “cleaning up” 

lead to the sinister logic that turned the twentieth century into a 

global museum of horrors? Do we tentatively act on our New Year’s 

resolutions to flush our systems, discipline our bodies, renounce our 

addictions, and sharpen our minds? Or do we succumb to the historical 

urge deeply rooted in linear conceptions of time, and start 

planning another party? Do we look forward to a time when things 

will be better (again)? 

In such retroactive and repetitive compulsions does the neurotic 

history of the present produce—and reproduce—the future. 

The future, then, is the unexplored territory of potentiality. 

However, if we look too far into the future, there is no future (at

xii 

Preface 

least not for us, as the punks affirmed so noisily). The nervous 

exhaustion of being too late, and waiting for something that may 

have already left the building (Elvis, Godot, God) informs each 

passing moment, for the very reason that they are registered as 

passing. (“It is impossible to pass from linear to spatial consciousness, 

since passage is a linear concept” [Odell, 2001: 126].) It is this 

kind of fractured thinking—along with technological “advances” 

such as nuclear power—that led to books with titles like Looking 

Back at the End of the World. 

And it is deep within this exhaustion that I glimpse the outline 

of a politics that barely resembles the movements that have historically 

been associated with such a category. This book does not 

claim to identify and deploy concepts on which we would somehow 

“build” such a politics, but rather follows the contours and 

exchanges of an economy that created the conditions for imagining 

“an otherwise,” uncompromised by the ransom demands of 

Hegelian time. Such a politics recognizes the fundamental flaw 

with contemporary utopian agendas, precisely that they presume 

that we have the energy and will to try to realize them, a more than 

dubious premise these days. In order to unravel such a conceptual 

blockage, we must examine how we got here in the first place by following 

the red thread of libidinal millenarianism.

Acknowledgments 

I would like to thank numerous people who contributed to this 

book, directly or indirectly, whether during its previous life as a 

doctoral thesis, or throughout its lengthy metamorphosis into a 

manuscript. Simon During, Ken Gelder, Mark Dery, David Bennett 

and Catherine Gallagher all guided my gauche enthusiasm into 

useful directions. I reserve special thanks for Steven Shaviro and 

Wlad Godzich, who both went out of their way to help some schmo 

they didn’t know from Adam. Thanks also to Dan Ross, whose coffee 

and comments were far too intense to cope with, and to Justin 

Clemens and David Odell, who have both only begun to influence 

and intrigue. A host of other people gave support – moral or otherwise 

– including Eddie Maloney; Paul and Alia Dash; Kim 

Armitage; Kylie Matulick; Greg Duff; Adam Rainczuk; Adam 

Sebire; Brittany Dufty; Brigid Magner; Khass and Bianca Yianni; 

Ben Deacon; John Matthews; Nick Heron; Isabelle Wallace; and the 

Symes clan. Special thanks goes out to Tash, Saul, Ralph, Mike, 

and Jindy, who provided support on all fronts. 

This book would be a totally different – and inevitably inferior 

– artifact, if it wasn’t for Ken Ruthven, whose insights, suggestions, 

patience, stamina, and attention to detail are truly a wonder to 

behold. The Australian Network for Art and Technology provided an 

invaluable travel grant, as did Melbourne University’s School of 

Graduate Studies. Earlier versions of certain sections have previously 

appeared in the Tamkang Review (Summer 2000), the Journal 

of Millennial Studies (Winter 1998/99) and Zeitsprünge (1999). 

And finally, many thanks to Joseph Natoli and James Peltz, 

who both had a big impact on the (much improved) final product. 

xiii

In the midst of the orgy, a man whispers into a woman’s ear: 

“what are you doing after the orgy?” 

Jean Baudrillard (1983: 46) 

. . . and the beast will be huge and black, and the eyes 

thereof red, with the blood of living creatures, and the 

Whore of Babylon shall ride forth on a three headed serpent, 

and throughout the lands there shall be a great rubbing of 

parts . . . 

Monty Python’s Life of Brian

Introduction: 


It may comfort you to know that I am still not participating 

in any sexual acts. 

From a letter by Heaven’s Gate cult member 

Gail Maeder, to her parents in 1997 (Adler 37) 

These monks that just took their heads in San Diego; they’re 

way behind the times. 

Charles Manson to his parole board 

at Corcoran State Prison (Gleick 26) 

On March 26, 1997, thirty-nine members of the Heaven’s Gate cult 

were found dead in Rancho Santa Fe, San Diego, their Nike shoes 

sticking conspicuously out of their purple shrouds. They had taken 

their lives in the belief that the Hale-Bopp comet was shielding an 

alien space craft that was to take them to the Level above Human. 

The ensuing media frenzy focused on several angles, separating 

what was unique about the cult’s mass suicide from what it shared 

with other extremist apocalyptic groups. The followers of Marshall 

Herff Applewhite (aka “Do”) were almost uniformly portrayed as 

deeply repressed and gullible innocents who had trouble distinguishing 

science fiction fantasies from “reality.” Editorials around 

the world could not resist puns involving these “alienated” individuals 

and their particular brand of X-Files-meets-Revelation rhetoric. 

In the following weeks, media commentators became obsessed 

with the voyeuristic revelation that six members, including 

Applewhite himself, had voluntarily castrated themselves in a surgical 

procedure designed to eliminate sexual urges—a serious 

offense to the neognostic ambitions of the sect. In the process, 

1

2 

Introduction 

Heaven’s Gate became one more hyperreal coordinate on the psychosocial 

map of millennial America, where John Wayne Bobbitt 

was re-membered only to be instantly forgotten by a public whose 

hunger for the extreme devoured news of Aum Shinrikyo, Waco, 

Ruby Ridge, the Order of the Solar Temple, and the Oklahoma 

Bombing, in a globally expanding feast of apocalyptic proportions. 

Motivation, as usual, was the question that gave this story such 

momentum; Why did they do it? Applewhite was presented as being 

tortured by “sexual demons.” His idiosyncratic religion was viewed 

as the psychological escape route from his earthly desires, and more 

specifically from those homosexual impulses that compromised his 

career as a music teacher (Chua-Eoan 36). His followers were paired 

off in a surveillance strategy which, when combined with various 

hormones, bolstered the cult’s doctrinal policies on the need for 

celibacy. (Indeed, at one point the group founded “The Anonymous 

Sexaholics Celibate Church.”) Such rigorous libidinal constraints 

are commonplace among both fringe and established religions. The 

media, however, seized on its unprecedented intersection with popular 

culture, high technology, and voluntary mass-suicide. 

In a sense, Heaven’s Gate inhabited Bill Gates’ slipstream by 

using the Internet as its major informational vector to spread its 

gospel of ascension to the Level above Human. They were described 

as an “Internet Death Cult” (Levy 46), adding to the already prevalent 

fear that the World Wide Web is populated by insidious spiders 

just waiting for children to stumble across their path. While the 

hysteria surrounding sexuality and the Internet is not unrelated to 

my topic, at this early stage I wish merely to spotlight the way in 

which certain metaphors and discourses were mobilized in support 

of moral panics exacerbated by the liminal temporal space of the 

year 2000. (Prophecy has often been attracted to round numbers.) 

Newsweek, for instance, finds answers to the Heaven’s Gate riddle 

in not only Applewhite’s charisma and the “uncertain times we live 

in” but also in the “pull of millennialism through the ages” 

(Editorial 35—my emphasis). 

In its most general and abstract sense, this “pull” is the focus of 

this book, especially as it relates to the interpretation of twentiethcentury 

millenarian movements and moments. Assuming the libidinal 

connection between messianic figures and their followers, I 

explore the seductive power of the millennial concept, and its capacity 

to “pull” people out of their normal lives and into that highly 

charged psychic space that Frank Kermode fleetingly refers to as 

“the erotic consciousness” inscribed within the moment of crisis 

(1975: 46). In this sense my study represents an inquiry into the 

magnetic properties of a transcendent “floating signifier,” and the 

way in which prophecy and eschatology have filtered into our daily

After the Orgy 3 

consciousness. 

The years 2000, 2001, and 3001, the Millennium, the 

Eschaton 1 , Utopia, Heaven, and the Level above Human: however 

we describe the object that lies at the end of history, it inevitably 

becomes the focus for intense cathexis—the libidinal transference 

of value. We project our most powerful fantasies onto the symbolic 

logic of these utopian artifacts. Just as the black monolith is 

stroked by early simians in Stanley Kubrick’s version of 2001: A 

Space Odyssey, so too the apocalypse is invested libidinally with a 

neo-Freudian reconfiguration of desire and transcendence. The millennium 

has become the ultimate seductive model, beckoning us 

toward the exquisitely elusive process of revelation. 

In the days following the morbid discovery in California, Time 

magazine’s Richard Lacayo identified two developments that have 

fostered the spread of apocalyptic cultism. One is the “strictly freemarket 

and technological” phenomenon of communications technologies 

(what could be referred to as the “modem world”), while 

the other is the “end of communism”: “Whatever the disasters of 

Marxism, at least it provides an outlet for utopian longings. Now 

that universalist impulses have one less way to expend themselves, 

religious enthusiasms of whatever character take on a fresh 

appeal” (34—my emphasis). Newsweek also warned that rampant 

millennialism will seek other outlets for its cathartic expenditure. 

It seems that Sigmund Freud’s notion of the “return of the 

repressed” is alive and well, given the media’s continued reliance on 

the established formula of accumulation and release. 

The Janus-face of what I call “libidinal millenarianism” is thus 

produced by morphing images of Freud and Karl Marx. Twentiethcentury 

developments unfolded in the shadows of these two (largely) 

utopian thinkers, including various poststructuralist attempts 

to transcend them, so that everything up to and including Heaven’s 

Gate continues to be popularly conceived of in terms of repression, 

liberation, transgression, and transcendence. While I do not pretend 

to operate outside these conceptual coordinates, I intend to demonstrate—through 

a genealogically informed rereading of certain 

apocalyptic moments—that such terms are part and parcel of the 

apocalyptic dynamic. My argument begins, therefore, with the 

premise that notions such as “transcendence” bog us down in the 

tragicomic history of utopianism, unable to achieve “escape velocity” 

from the gravity of Marxist-Freudian ideas. This is not intended 

as either a jeremiad or a warning. It is merely a position from 

which to assess ideas about the future of a future, conceived of as 

“the beginning of the end.” 

Another canonical name should be invoked at this point: that 

of Charles Darwin, whose notion of the survival of the fittest has

4 

Introduction 

become (in an ironic twist) the model for the natural selection of 

ideas. In his article on “Viruses of the Mind,” Geoffrey Cowley 

appeals to the new “science” of memetics; loosely defined as the 

viral transmission of ideas through language. Cowley speculates 

that the actions of the Heaven’s Gate cult members could be put 

down to a virulent strain of millenarian ideas: 

Medical epidemiologists can sometimes predict the scope and 

course of a disease outbreak just by analyzing the structure of a 

virus. Memetics hasn’t achieved such precision, but that is its mission: 

to explain how beliefs gain currency, and to predict their ebb 

and flow . . . . Unfortunately, as the Heaven’s Gate tragedy 

reminds us, hosts who swallow both the heaven-is-ours and the 

end-is-near memes may conclude the end is theirs to hasten—and 

hasten it. 

But a virus that kills its host doesn’t always kill itself. If the fluids 

flowing from a dying Ebola-virus victim infect a half-dozen 

nurses, the bug still comes out ahead. Likewise, if even a small 

minority of the TV viewers now following the Heaven’s Gate story 

responded to the cult’s message, the message might survive. 2 (14) 

Such a metaphor speaks volumes about current obsessions with 

mental hygiene and its breakdown into cultural euthanasia. The 

viral rhetoric of the cold war has increased since the dissolution of 

the Soviet Union, intensifying the paranoia that the enemy is not 

only within, but unknown—an amorphous enigma. 

Daniel Dennett describes the brain as a “meme nest” 

(Kingwell 177), and in his panic text, The Hot Zone, Richard 

Preston writes that, “[w]e live in a kind of biological Internet in 

which viruses travel like messages, moving at high speed from 

node to node, moving from city to city” (1995: 18). The key image 

here is “message,” which evokes the appropriation by genetics of 

terms like code and messenger from communications theory. The 

suggestion here is that the body can understand its vulnerability 

only through the vocabulary of technology (a notion I explore further 

in chapter 3—especially in relation to Snow Crash). Despite 

its ideological crudity then, the viral model prompts us to trace the 

“memetic” genealogy of libidinal millenarianism. 

The New Age messiah-prophet and fringe scholar, Terence 

McKenna—who attempts to occupy the problematic position of 

both mystical prophet and scientific rationalist—has much to say 

on the topic of libidinally inscribed end-of-time scenarios. That the 

“end is nigh” is taken for granted by messianic figures who preach 

transcendence, and McKenna (like Applewhite) is no exception. 

However, he is canny enough to couch his own UFO-related agen-


da in pseudosociological terms. And indeed his oracular predictions 

bear a striking resemblance to the “machinic desire” of the 

Heaven’s Gate cult. “One dimension of the culture crisis,” 

McKenna notes, “is a collective erotic desire for a connection with 

the other.” And while this could be seen as a universal constant, “it 

is as though the Father-God notion were being replaced by the 

alien-partner notion” (73). 

This observation is borne out not only in the realm identified 

by Malcolm Bull as the “popular secular apocalyptic” (1995b: 4)— 

including the The X-Files and countless other sf-inflected texts— 

but also in the metamorphosis of angels into aliens. In the case of 

Heaven’s Gate, sexual sublimation was transferred on to the sublime 

alien, so that salvation was figured as a chaste version of St. 

Theresa’s rapture. (“Beam me up!” chirped one recruit on the 

videotaped suicide note.) Although the sublime Other remains a 

genderless creature from the Kingdom of Heaven, it now looks 

more like something from Steven Spielberg’s design department 

than from the brush of Botticelli. Indeed, in the popular mind it 

has usurped the role of Walter Benjamin’s exterminating angel, 

overseeing the progressively unfolding catastrophe which we call 

“human history”. 

In considering the pulp-fictional futurism of modern American 

pseudo-religions, McKenna goes on to say that 

[t]he previous concerns of salvation and redemption are shifting 

into the background for the great majority of people, and what is 

driving religious feeling is a wish for contact—a relationship to 

the Other. The alien then falls into place in that role; the alien fulfills 

it. I believe that if religion survives into the long centuries of 

the future, this will be its compelling concern—an attempt to 

define a collective relationship with the Other that assuages our 

yearning and our feeling of being cast out or, as Heidegger says, 

“cast into matter, alone in the Universe.” (73) 

However, it seems to me that McKenna dismisses the drive for 

redemption a little too early, considering that it can still inspire 

thirty-nine people to kill themselves. 

The collective desire for fusion is identified by Georges 

Bataille as the base-note of eroticism (see chapter 2), a sharp irony 

in the case of Heaven’s Gate. McKenna completes a psychosocial 

feedback loop by stating that “the appetite for this fusion . . . is 

propelling global culture toward an apocalyptic transformation” 

(74). In dismissing the social and political stratifications of everday 

experience (i.e., in employing sweeping generalizations that conflate 

the destiny of an out-of-work coal-miner and a Silicon Valley executive) 

McKenna is guilty of peddling reductionist explanations and

6 

Introduction 

psychobabble solutions. Heaven’s Gate, however, is an unsettling 

testimony to the possibility of such a shared destiny: people of different 

ages, sexes, and economic backgrounds swallowed applesauce 

and barbiturates in a final act of solidarity. 

Freud saw Eros (the god of love) as a social binding-agent, 

feeding the appetite for construction. But he also sensed the 

destructive potential of its symbolic exchange with Thanatos (the 

god of death) in a yin-and-yang process. McKenna fudges the ambiguity 

of Eros, seeing it as the catalyst for an apocalypse that banishes 

Thanatos in favor of the benign Alien, who shepherds us in 

the manner of a Jew who roamed the earth two thousand years ago. 

It is thus important to identify libidinal millenarianism as the 

result of a constant interplay between the ur-myths of Armageddon 

and their rewriting in the present. 

One word that perfectly encapsulates this “atavistic versus 

futuristic” dynamic is panic. “When the shaman’s song fails,” 

McKenna notes, 

his world erupts into a situation of weakened psychic constitution 

that contains an element of “panic” in the mythological sense that 

evokes Pan bursting through from the underworld. The equivalent 

panic in our society is the emergence of the UFO as an autonomous 

psychic entity that has slipped from the control of the ego and 

approaches laden with the “Otherness” of the unconscious. (60) 

This leads to what McKenna calls succinctly “the revelation of the 

UFO” (61). 

When Charles Manson heard about Heaven’s Gate, he remarked, 

“These monks that just took their heads in San Diego; they’re way 

behind the times” (Gleick 26). Any attempt to decipher this convicted 

killer’s edicts is automatic conjecture. However, his statement 

could be read as an acknowledgment of his own allegorical 

role in the millenarian climate of the 1960s. Like McKenna, 

Manson finds the emphasis on redemption now outdated. Or perhaps, 

as I suggest in the next section, it has merely altered its form. 

The genealogy I trace—from Sade through Friedrich 

Nietzsche to Bataille and J. G. Ballard (to name only a few)—represents 

the “dark side” of libidinal millenarianism, the one that 

acknowledges and embraces the Thanatic aspect of Eros. 

According to their “dionysian” perspective, Thanatos is never far 

behind. 3 This point is illustrated by the Select Followers of 

Oklahoma, who were prevented by police from sacrificing a virgin 

to Haley’s Comet in 1910 (Lacayo 34). Heaven’s Gate occupies an 

ambivalent space in the dionysian scheme of things. Rejecting its 

essential panic, they executed themselves with methodical disci-


pline, rather than with the traditional gesture of sacrificial excess. 

The police officers who discovered the bodies of Applewhite and 

his followers were immediately overcome by the stench of the 

corpses inside the giant mansion. Despite the anal-retentive ways 

of cult members, the organic basis of their existence (which weighed 

on their spirits so heavily) leaked out in the absence of Apollonian 

muscle control. The seventy-four members of the Order of the Solar 

Temple who have killed themselves since 1994 in Canada, 

Switzerland, and France are also sacrificial offerings to Bataille’s 

“solar anus” of excremental nihilism. So long as humanity is an 

embodied entity, Dionysus will have the last laugh. 

Heaven’s Gate is thus the ideal cult for an age that Jean 

Baudrillard has described as coming “after the orgy”—the orgy 

being the specific moment when “modernity exploded upon us” 

(1993: 3). Unlike Shoko Asahara’s lascivious evenings in the Aum 

Shinrikyo compound, or David Koresh’s alleged satyric ceremonies 

in “ranch apocalypse,” Applewhite’s sublimation represents a rejection 

of the nihilistic-orgiastic dynamic of heretical history. As 

Damian Thompson notes in his pop-study, The End of Time, “[t]here 

is a pronounced tendency . . . for millenarian groups to veer 

toward extreme attitudes to sexual behaviour, in which sex is either 

forbidden or to be enjoyed indiscriminately” (1996; introduction— 

n.). Both options, however, partake of libidinal millenarianism, representing 

two sides to the same coin. 

Neal Stephenson’s post-cyberpunk novel, The Diamond Age, contains 

an extended section that plays on the literary motif of the 

pagan orgy. In this scene, the protaganist Hacksworth watches the 

mysterious behavior of the underworld. 

In a cavernous dark space lit by many small fires, a young woman, 

probably not much more than a girl, stands on a pedestal naked 

except for an elaborate paint job, or maybe it is a total-body mediatronic 

tattoo. A crown of leafy branches is twined around her head, 

and she has thick voluminous hair spreading to her knees. She is 

clutching a bouquet of roses to her breast, the thorns indenting her 

flesh. Many people, perhaps thousands, surround her, drumming 

madly, sometimes chanting and singing. Into the space between 

the girl and the watchers, a couple of dozen men are introduced. 

Some come running out of their own accord, some look as if they’ve 

been pushed, some wander in as if they’ve been walking down the 

street (stark naked) and gone in the wrong door. Some are Asian, 

some European, some African. Some have to be prodded by frenzied 

celebrants who charge out of the crowd and shove them here and 

there . . . . Hackworth notes that all of them have erections, 

sheathed in brightly colored mediatronic condoms—rubbers that 

actually make their own light so that the bobbing boners look like

8 

Introduction 

so many cyalume wands dancing through the air. 

The drumbeats and the dancing speed up very slowly. The erections 

tell Hackworth why this is taking so long: He’s watching 

foreplay here. After half an hour or so, the excitement, phallic and 

otherwise, is unbearable. The beat is now a notch faster than your 

basic pulse rate, lots of other beats and counterrhythms woven 

through it, and the chanting of the individual singer has become a 

wild semi-organized choral phenomenon. At some point, after 

seemingly nothing has happened for half an hour, everything happens 

at once: The drumming and chanting explode to a new impossible 

level of intensity. The dancers reach down, grip the flaccid 

reservoir tips of their radioactive condoms, stretch them out. 

Someone runs out with a knife and cuts off the tips of the condoms 

in a freakish parody of circumcisions exposing the glans of each 

man’s penis. (1995: 231-232) 

The fact that such a familiar trope as the pagan orgy can fit so 

comfortably into the postindustrial, postmodern, and late-capitalistic 

narrative of a science fiction novel says much about historical 

cycles and the resilience of archetypal myths. In this voyeuristic 

scene the dionysian clearly continues to play an important role in 

the literary landscape. Far from dissolving into the haze of nineteenth-century 

recycled romanticism, the phallic god of lust has 

once again demonstrated his irrepressible nature by informing 

much of today’s cultural zeitgeist. 

This time, however, Dionysus must negotiate new foes and new 

forces that seek to restrict the irrationality and violence of his 

instincts. The Pan-like creature must adapt to the silicon valleys of 

the information revolution. Consequently Dionysus’ traditionally 

pastoral context has been displaced by the cybernetic, resulting in 

what has been called—somewhat oxymoronically—the “cyberdionysian” 

(Dery, 33). 

The fifth issue of Mondo 2000 (n.d.) has a photo-spread of 

naked women covered only by electronic circuitry and computerized 

gadgets. They are described as maenads (priestesses of Bacchus) 

and cavort alongside a text whose rhythms are ritualistic: 

Groaning, moaning, on your knees 

panther, Niger, come to me 

blood and milk together feed the pleasure 

carmine, throbbing, senses reel 

fleshy mystery, pagan meal 

Dionysus screams as we give pleasure 

(Springer 52)


Much of 1990’s para-literature (articles, ads, reviews, comics, 

and rock lyrics) defines itself against or toward an assumed 

dionysian orientation. Moreover, this “attitude” is a crucial compass 

for identity-based politics both within and against the monolithic 

and abstract categories of modern existence: society, economy, 

nation, class, race, gender, life, and death. 

The dionysian impulse is further aggravated by the dynamic, 

reciprocal, and symbiotic connections of millenarianism. I argue 

that the dionysian is paradoxically the desire to reinvoke the 

sacred while simultaneously embracing the nihilistic license of 

the Free Spirit in the face of imminent extinction. In Raoul 

Vaneigem’s terms, such a strategy valorizes life over, above, and 

against, survival. 

In describing the pervading aura of the fin de millénium as 

life “after the orgy,” Baudrillard spotlights a general sense of 

entropy, depletion, and decadence, all factors contributing to a 

possible slow-motion apocalypse. Indeed, harnessing such a postcoital 

ambience is, I shall argue, the task of an emerging politics 

of exhaustion, a “radical passivity” that threatens the prevalent 

ethos of relentless productivity. 

And yet despite Baudrillard’s aphorism, an echo of the orgy 

survived in the erotic imagination of the 1990s. On January 22, 

1995, an Asian-American porn starlet, Annabel Chong, (real 

name, Grace Quek) decided to perform “The World’s Biggest 

Gang Bang” by having sex with 251 men in one day. This event 

took place 

in a Hollywood soundstage. Doric, Ionic and Corinthian columns 

decorated the set, along with various statues, urns, vases and 

fountains in an attempt to recreate an ancient Roman orgy. There 

was even a bust of what looked like Caligula . . . . The pretense 

of a Roman orgy seemed awkward at the very least. (Hallock 82) 

When interviewed as to her motives, Chong replied that “she simply 

had to do it ‘because it was such a daring idea.’ She imagined 

it would embody the decadence with which she could end the century” 

(ibid.). 

To couch such a stunt in these terms merely strengthens the 

dionysian genealogy—no matter how tacky the Roman replicas—of 

the happening in which she is such an enthusiastic (though problematic) 

participant. 4 Just as Chong’s world record of 251 men was 

surpassed a few months later by Californian stripper Jasmin St. 

Claire, so too Baudrillard’s orgy is supplanted by another, in a simulated 

mise-en-abyme effect extending into the future.

10 

The Dating Game 

Introduction 

Another Millennium. Another Bestseller. 

Blurb for Arthur C. Clarke’s novel 3001 

Only the brain of a child or of a savage could form the clumsy 

idea that the century is a kind of living being, born like a 

beast or a man, passing through all the stages of existence, 

gradually ageing and declining after blooming childhood, joyous 

youth, and vigorous maturity, to die with the expiration 

of the hundredth year, after being afflicted in its last decade 

with all the infirmities of mournful senility. 

Max Nordau, Degeneration (1993 [1892]: 1) 

The future’s uncertain and the end is always near. 

The Doors, “Roadhouse Blues” 

At this point it may be useful to ask what exactly this “Millennium” 

is that I’m talking about. The answer may be that it isn’t anything, 

exactly, but rather a “free-floating framework” (as Philip Lamy calls 

it), or a giant sliding signifier that hovers ahead of us like a carrot 

in front of a donkey; no matter what the “actual” date. Norman 

Cohn, the traditional authority on these matters, notes how the 

word millenarianism has “in fact become simply a convenient label 

for a particular type of salvationism” (1993: 13), which is indeed 

how I employ the term. 

Thus in trying to pinpoint some kind of working definition, we 

must concede that the millennium is a symbolic concept tied to a 

symbolic measurement of time, which potentially is as contingent 

as the human population itself. It is a blank screen on which we 

project our own fantasies for the future, present anxieties, and 

regrets about the past. Yet the images that flicker across its surface 

have a thematic consistency and coherence that belie the randomness 

of calendrical fetishism. In simpler terms, how it is represented 

as occurring, and with what effects, are far more significant than 

when it happens. 

Throughout history, prophets have predicted the very day of 

the dawning millennium, each date both a reflection of current 

events and a Magic-Marker cross on Henri Focillon’s “perpetual calendar 

of human anxiety” (Kermode, 1975: 11). Although the debate 

continues as to whether or not the year 1000 A. D. bore witness to 

feverish millennial activity, the common feeling is that it passed


almost unnoticed. The fact that significant millennial eruptions 

occurred in the seemingly irrelevant years of 1260, 1420, and 1666, 

indicates the dominance of sociological over astronomical patterns. 

The frequency of prophetic failure, however, seems only to 

inflame the desire for new estimates of the impending existential 

terminus, thus confirming Wallace Stevens’s observation that “the 

imagination is always at the end of an era” (ibid.: 31). As Kermode 

notes, “Apocalypse can be disconfirmed without being discredited. 

This is part of its extraordinary resilience” (ibid.: 8). And indeed the 

regenerative resources of the Japanese Aum Shinrikyo sect—after 

the disgrace of subway gas attacks, failed prophecies and legal 

prosecution—is but one recent case of this phenomena. 

In a passage that forms the epigraph to this section, the nineteenth-century 

anti-Decadent Nordau affirms the random nature of 

temporality, and chastises those who impose a metaphysical system 

onto its mathematical branches. He goes on to make the important 

point that 

[T]he arbitrary division of time, rolling ever continuously along, is 

not identical amongst all civilized beings, and that while this nineteenth 

century of Christendom is held to be a creature reeling to 

its death presumptively in dire exhaustion, the fourteenth century 

of the Mahommedan world is tripping along in the baby-shoes 

of its first decade, and the fifteenth century of the Jews strides 

gallantly by in the full maturity of its fifty-second year. (2) 

Throughout the Christian era, a timeless and cyclic infrastructure 

has lurked beneath the progressive, linear superstructure. 

Cohn attributes the initial emergence of a linear chronological 

mode to a figure whose name would come to represent the mortal 

pinnacle of historical evolution: the Iranian prophet Zarathustra, 

who is more commonly known by his Greek name, “Zoroaster”, 

which means “he who has active camels.” 

Zoroaster’s is the first recorded instance of a narrative that 

tells of a “coming consummation,” in which an unhappy situation 

will be replaced by a utopian one. This positive apocalyptic scenario, 

known as “the making wonderful,” was certainly something 

to look forward to in times of strife. Cohn thus identifies Zoroaster 

as “the earliest known example of a particular kind of prophet—the 

kind commonly called ‘millenarian’” (1995: 27). These prophets 

then represent a promised paradise, their name becoming a signature 

of guarantee. (e.g., “Jesus Christ”). 

Nietzsche reintroduced the transcendent legacy of 

Zarathustra, just as his modern spin on the myth of Dionysus redefined 

its philosophical usage while maintaining its linguistic roots. 

Zarathustra is indeed a curious choice to represent the circular

12 

Introduction 

logic of the “eternal return,” considering his traditional role as the 

inventor of linearity. It is equally ironic that the twelfth-century 

monk responsible for much of the Roman calendar (and its attendant 

chronological confusions) was called “Dionysius Exiguus”. But 

such provocative coincidences fall outside the scope of this book. 

The important point is that this tension between linearity and 

circularity, which is often taken to be a fundamental historical 

dialectic, continues to inform current millennial behavior. 

According to Camille Paglia, the linear model of history—being a 

metaphysical projection of the phallus—is patriarchal, whereas 

cyclic history reflects a more “female” perspective. Millenarian 

moments are thus characterized as the teleological thrustings of 

Pan (experienced as “panic”) rather than the wandering “wombmadness” 

known as “hysteria”. Because Paglia models temporal 

consciousness on the body, genital destiny informs historical destiny, 

and the apocalypse itself is interpreted as a masculinist genre: 

Man is sexually compartmentalized. Genitally, he is condemned to 

a perpetual pattern of linearity, focus, aim, directedness. He must 

learn to aim. Without aim, urination and ejaculation end in infantile 

soiling of self or surroundings. Woman’s eroticism is diffused 

throughout her body. (19) 

The western idea of history as a propulsive movement into the 

future, a progressive or Providential design climaxing in the revelation 

of a Second Coming, is a male formulation. No woman, I 

submit, could have coined such an idea, since it is a strategy of 

evasion of woman’s own cyclic nature, in which man dreads being 

caught. Evolutionary or apocalyptic history is a male wish list 

with a happy ending, a phallic peak. (10) 

If we look past the essentialist trappings of Paglia’s formulation, 

we see an antiphallic critique of Western metaphysical models 

shared by poststructuralist feminists such as Lee Quinby (1994). 

According to such a critique, the majestic parabola of human 

History—from cadence to decadence—follows the bell curve of male 

urination. This golden arc which, on its downward trajectory, has 

the apocalyptic connotations of annihilation, is traced by Thomas 

Pynchon in Gravity’s Rainbow (1975), as well as by Bob Dylan in 

his Cuban Missile Crisis song, “A Hard Rain’s a Gonna Fall” (1963). 

Baudrillard agrees that history is witness to the final moments 

of this curve toward a terminus: 

All we have left of the millenarian dateline is the countdown to it. 

For this century—which can do nothing more than count the seconds 

separating it from its end without either being able, or really 

wanting, to measure up to that end—the digital Genitron clock on


the Beaubourg Centre [aka, the Pompidou Center in Paris] showing 

the countdown in millions of seconds is the perfect symbol. It 

illustrates the reversal of the whole of our modernity’s relation to 

time. Time is no longer counted progressively, by addition, starting 

from an origin, but by subtraction, starting from the end. This is 

what happens with rocket launches or time bombs. (1997) 

As Paglia has implied, the orgasmic model of history enjoys a profound 

hold over the Western imagination. The eternal jouissance of 

polymorphous “female” sexuality is contrasted with that genitally 

focused male “quickie” that lasts merely a millennium. However, 

things are never as black and white as Paglia’s crude distinctions 

imply. Ernest Lee Tuveson tells us that, in response to the prophet 

Joachim, St. Thomas “concludes in effect that the Church is static, 

as is history. No purposive change, no climax in a historical plot is 

to be expected” (20). This edict would have suited the Adamites, an 

heretical Christian sect that “sought to recapture in this life the 

innocent eroticism of Adam before the Fall, [and] practiced coitus 

reservatus, intercourse without orgasm, that is to say, pure forepleasure” 

(Brown, 1970: 30). 

At this point I submit another extended extract, to be read 

alongside Stephenson’s, as evidence for the prevalence of libidinal 

millenarianism in Kermode’s “modern demythologized apocalypse” 

(1975: 133). In this Internet newsgroup posting by a raver known 

only as “Kitten”, we can see a miniaturized version of history’s 

erotic deferral: 

When i was at Organic recently, there was one point when the 

music was just pumping i kept waiting for the “vibe” to hit, 

because i wanted the place to explode with the ENERGY that 

keeps everybody coming back for more. OH MAN, just thinking 

about that energy gives me chills. But what happened was that 

the dj . . . kept tweaking with the audience and bringing the climax 

*ALMOST* there and then bringing everyone back down. I 

was absofuckinglutely out of my mind, i was near tears, all i wanted 

was the climax, i didn’t care what the fuck else happened. All 

of a sudden i realized that it was similar to when you’re having sex 

and for whatever reason, you can’t come and all you are doing is 

FUCKING YOUR BRAINS OUT, exerting every ounce of brain 

energy trying to make yourself come so that you have your orgasm 

and go to sleep. That was how i felt on the middle of the dance 

floor. And I realized that the dj had POWER over me. I was basically 

prostituting for the dj: i was a slave to what he had (the 

promise of the climax) and he was flexing his power and tweaking 

with me to see how much i could stretch myself out for it. It really 

scared me. I mean, it worked out okay, i’m not emotionally damaged 

or anything, i didn’t fall into pieces, actually right after it

14 

happened, i went and had a cigarette with my brother and pretty 

much forgot about it), but every now and again, i think of that feeling, 

that split second where I would do anything for the dj to give 

me that climax. 

So, when I hear people talking about rave as religion, I just 

want to put $.02 in and say that some religions are more cult than 

religion, and i think some dj’s definitely hold the power of a cult in 

their turntables and in their speakers, and it’s really not something 

that i want to get down on my knees for. Just a thought, I’m 

not bagging here. I still think that rave is one of the best things 

the 20th century has to offer, but i think that if left unchecked, it 

could turn on us. (alt.music.techno April 19, 1996) 

But as this techno-maenad testifies, what “could turn on us” is 

what turns us on. 

The Coming of the Lord 

Q: What’s white and hangs off telephone wires? 

A: The Second Coming. 

Introduction 

Old School Joke 

If therefore thou shalt not watch, 

I will come on thee as a thief, 

and thou shalt not know what hour I will come upon thee. 

St. John’s Book of Revelation (3: 3) 

So it is a matter of the secret and the pudenda. 

Jacques Derrida (1984: 4) 

Apocalyptic rhetoric, from the book of Daniel through John’s 

Revelation to present-day adaptations, is saturated with sexuality. 

Beginning with the allegorical Whore of Babylon and her violent 

destruction, Eros and Thanatos have persistently stalked narratives 

of the End: 

I saw a woman sitting on a scarlet beast, full of blasphemous 

names, having seven heads and ten horns. And the woman was 

clothed in purple and scarlet, and adorned with gold and precious


stones and pearls, having in her hand a gold cup full of abominations 

and of the unclean things of her immorality, and upon her 

forehead a name was written, a mystery, “BABYLON THE 

GREAT, THE MOTHER OF HARLOTS AND OF THE ABOMI- 

NATIONS OF THE EARTH.” (Rev. 17: 15-16) 

And he said to me, “The waters which you saw where the harlot 

sits, are peoples and multitudes and nations and tongues. And the 

ten horns which you saw, and the beast, these will hate the harlot 

and will make her desolate and naked, and will eat her flesh and 

will burn her up with fire.” (ibid.: 19: 2) 

The sexual subject matter here makes explicit the usually obscured 

erotic subtext of eschatological fables. 

The word apocalypse derives from the Greek apokalupsis and 

apo-calyptein, meaning to “uncover,” “unveil,” or “reveal”: hence 

Revelation. In this sense the breaking of the Seven Seals anticipates 

a hymeneutic dance of the Seven Veils, choreographed around 

the deferred promise of disclosure. In his essay on “An Apocalyptic 

Tone Recently Adopted in Philosophy,” Derrida teases out the libidinous 

logic of Armageddon: “Apokalupto, I disclose, I uncover, I 

unveil, I reveal the thing that can be a part of the body, the head or 

the eyes, a secret part, the sex or whatever might be hidden . . . 

man’s or woman’s sex” (4). He goes on to argue that “the gesture of 

denuding or of affording sight . . . [is] sometimes more guilty and 

more dangerous than what follows and what it can give rise to, for 

example copulation” (5). 

Leaving aside for the moment the voyeuristic aspect of libidinal 

millenarianism (which I return to in chapters 3 and 6), here I 

wish merely to draw attention to the assumption that copulation is 

a logical, or at least possible, consequence of striptease and/or 

Revelation. Both follow the same highly ritualistic pattern. In this 

context, even the smutty schoolboy joke that introduces this section 

plays on those early millenarian myths that conflate—or rather recognize—the 

libidinal logic of apocalyptic prophecy. 5 

By exposing the sexualized subtexts and historical agendas 

that lie curled within the apocalyptic tone, Derrida returns to the 

metaphoric motif of ejaculation: 

What effect do these noble, gentile prophets of eloquent visionaries 

want to produce? . . . . To seduce or subjugate whom, intimidate 

or make whom come? These effects and these benefits can be 

related to an individual or collective, conscious or unconscious 

speculation. They can be analyzed in terms of libidinal or political 

mastery, with all the differential relays and thus all the economic 

paradoxes that overdetermine the idea of power or mastery and 

sometimes drag them into the abyss. (23)

16 

Introduction 

In revealing the innuendo concealed in one of prophecy’s keywords—come—Derrida 

inspires my own attempt to conduct a libidinal 

analysis of the political amplifications of apocalyptic thought 

(or, alternatively, a political analysis of the libidinal amplifications 

of apocalyptic thought). 

In this respect Derrida further scatters the seeds of panic and 

their consequent sociohistoric repercussions. He refers the reader 

to the biblical scene in which the Christ-Lamb opens each of the 

Seven Seals, one of the “four living” responding with the pronouncement, 

“Come.” In true deconstructionist fashion, Derrida 

notes that “‘Come’ does not announce this or that apocalypse: 

already it resounds with a certain tone; it is in itself the apocalypse 

of apocalypse; Come is apocalyptic” (35). 

The prophetic tone is thus analogous to the arrogant confidence 

of sexual mastery: “The end is soon, it is imminent, signifies 

the tone. I see it, I know it, I tell you, now you know, come” (24). The 

very vocal vibrations of certainty (“I am unveiling the truth”) solicit 

desires bound up inextricably with transcendence, rapture, and 

orgasmic extinction. The petite mort of the individual is inflated to 

include the entire human race teetering on the edge of oblivion. As 

Derrida observes, “I am coming means: . . . We’re all going to die, 

we’re going to disappear” (24-25). 

There are, of course, exceptions to this somewhat pornographic 

interpretation, however these only serve to illustrate moral reactions 

against the already perceived libidinal tenor of Judgment 

Day. Take this biblical passage, for instance: 

Love not the world, neither the things [that are] in the world. 

If any man love the world, the love of the Father is not in him. 

For all that [is] in the world, the lust of the flesh, and the lust of the 

eyes, and the pride of life, is not of the Father, but is of the world. 

And the world passeth away, and the lust thereof: but he that doeth 

the will of God abideth for ever. (1 John 2:15-17) 

Echoing these sentiments in the sixth century, Gregory the 

Great wrote; “Let us despise with all our being this present—or 

rather extinct—world. At least let worldly desires end with the end 

of the world; let us imitate what deeds of good men we can” (ibid. : 

69-70). This is indeed an optimistic wish, considering the fact that 

the liminal structure of premillennial time serves to privilege 

nihilistic sexual license over the puritanical ideals of purity and 

chastity. Neville Shute’s On the Beach (1956) is only one of countless 

representations of erotic excess in the Last Days; another being 

St. Augustine’s observation that “as the end of the world approaches 

. . . infidelity increases” (Kumar 204).

In the pages that follow I trace—in an almost dot-to-dot fashion—that 

dionysian genealogy that links Revelation and the 

Romano-Greek myths of Pan, through the apocalyptic fantasies of 

Sade and Nietzsche, to the Bataillean millennium unconsciously 

mimicked by both mass and alternative medias of the 1990s. 

However, any study that seeks to emphasize historical and philosophical 

continuities must also take into account the different conditions 

and assumptions that inform each context. For this reason 

it is important to acknowledge the radical impact of technological 

development on subjective experience and expression. By following 

Martin Heidegger we can discern the telos of technology as yet 

another form of apocalyptic unveiling. 

Technological Revelation 


The question concerning technology is the question concerning 

the constellation in which revealing and concealing, in 

which the coming to presence of truth, comes to pass. 

Martin Heidegger (33) 

Technology is no longer an aid in the perfection of being, but 

rather being is now an aid to the perfection of technology. 

Theodore John Rivers (10) 

Heidegger’s enormously influential essay, “The Question 

Concerning Technology,” discusses the metaphysical status of technology 

as both the subject of history and the raison d’être of History 

itself. He sees technology less as a sophisticated tool, than as the 

name we give our propulsion towards a kind of quasi-mystical revelation 

of the Truth. 

Heidegger goes on to unpack the ancient Greek notion of techné, 

that mode of “bringing-forth” into the world that transcends the 

contemporary banality of “manufacture.” Techné is steeped in classical 

perspectives on the genesis of craftsmanship, which did not 

polarize “craft” and “nature” to the extent that we do today. For this 

reason, Monty Python’s “machines that go ping” are merely the latest 

in a long line of human artifacts shaped through the highly 

nuanced constellation of skill, knowledge, and environment. 

Technology is consequently rooted in Hellenic notions of materialization 

through revelation.

18 

Introduction 

“What has the essence of technology to do with revealing?” 

asks Heidegger. “The answer: everything”: 

Instrumentality is considered to be the fundamental characteristic 

of technology. If we inquire, step by step, into what technology, 

represented as means, actually is, then we shall arrive at revealing. 

The possibility of all productive manufacturing lies in revealing. 

Technology is therefore no mere means. Technology is a way 

of revealing. If we give heed to this, then another whole realm for 

the essence of technology will open itself up to us. It is the realm 

of revealing, i.e., of truth. (12) 

As we have seen, the Heideggerean definition of technology is 

not restricted to electrical hardware, but embraces any human 

activity that incorporates a mode of revealing in relation to truth. 

All of which begs the question, What kind of truth does technology 

point us toward? 

According to Heidegger, this truth rests on the destiny of the 

human race, viewed in the Nietzschean neoclassical term destining. 

Technology is thus an ontological compass, inscribed within the secular, 

nihilistic view of history: “[D]estining is never a fate that compels. 

For man becomes truly free only insofar as he belongs to the 

realm of destining and so becomes one who listens and hears, and 

not one who is simply constrained to obey . . . . The destining of 

revealing is in itself not just any danger, but danger as such” (25-26). 

The political subtext of Heidegger’s analysis has been commented 

upon exhaustively elsewhere, but here I would merely 

observe that destining can be a code word for an existentially risky 

route to transcendence, intimately linked with the messianic 

attraction of Revelation. It is consequently problematic for those 

who detect an inherent conservatism—even fascism—within narratives 

that “foreshadow” the future. 

Thus, both Heidegger and—by retroactive association— 

Nietzsche, stand accused of negating the potential freedoms of a 

godless universe. In contrast to the existentialist school of thought, 

Heidegger reinvents eschatology by practically deifying technology 

(along with its hidden agenda). In a direct polemic against 

Heidegger’s essay, Rivers explores the time-bound nature of technology, 

believing it has succumbed “to the Christianization of time”. 

[T]hat is, it has adopted Christianity’s linear perception . . . . 

Since [technology] is built on the premise that there will be 

progress, it follows that we absolutely must be inclined toward its 

successful conclusion. It tells us that there is no salvation unless 

we side with technology because beyond its protection is damnation. 

Whereas Christianity’s idea of linearity moves on to a final


and decisive end from which there is no appeal, conceptualized in 

the Second Coming and the Last Judgment, technology’s concept 

never reaches its end, since it is composed solely of means. (116) 

Technology has “acquired Christianity’s notion of inevitability” 

(115), an onto-theological ruse to rob humanists of their freedom to 

alter and control the future. Thus according to Rivers, the danger 

of destining is not (as Heidegger would have it) an incarnation of a 

tragic “bringing forth” of “primal truth,” but rather the means by 

which mortality is deprived of any meaning: 

We experience time because we are aware of mortality. As for 

death, it is also influenced by technology’s rationality, but negatively, 

because technology deprives death of meaning and robs it of 

any significance as an eschatological condition. Technology distorts 

death so as to give it a new qualification. Although it cannot 

disregard death as the termination of life, technology removes the 

death of the individual from one’s own prerogative. The modern 

age dares to sustain life, when on the verge of death, by machines; 

it has the power to induce us to inhabit a body which is only technically 

alive. Life is prolonged not because we love it, but because 

we love technology more, and perceive it as a life-giving force. Not 

only have we cheated death of its meaning, but we have also 

degraded life by refusing to let it go. (64) 

All apocalyptic philosophies must acknowledge and respond to this 

technological paradox—a secular eschatology merely unveils a void. 

Eros and Thanatos must therefore permit a third term: Techné. 

This addition turns the former dialectic into something of a love-triangle. 

According to the French sociologist, Michel Maffesoli, admitting 

a third term also represents the beginning of society, and 

therefore, of all sociology—“infinity begins with the third person” 

(1996: 105). It is my contention that, in the spirit of Roland Barthes’ 

Lover’s Discourse (1978) and D. H. Lawrence’s Women in Love 

(1920), this third term is also the libidinal catalyst for a constellation 

formerly devoid of metaphysical momentum. In other words, 

sex and death become recharged through technology. As the decadent 

writer Gabriele D’Annunzio maintains, “Love, like all divine 

powers, is not truly exalted except in a trinity” (Praz 293). The construction 

of history as a ménage-à-trois, brings me full circle back 

to Baudrillard’s post festum philosophy of the orgy. 

In short, this book endeavours to do two things, which—like its subject 

matter (transgression and transcendence)—run parallel, touching 

at several points, and ultimately dissolving into each other. One 

of its main aims is to trace the dionysian ambience of contemporary

20 

Introduction 

culture, while another is to weave different historical strands into 

a pattern defined by libidinal millenarianism. It is the nature of 

weaving not to reveal the full pattern immediately, but gradually, 

although my own Revelation may not be as earth-shattering as its 

subject and model: apokalupsis. 

Geoff Waite maintains that “since temporal causal relationships” 

are often “less important than logical causal relationships, it 

is necessary to cut away from all simple teleologies . . .” (95) In 

order to establish a genealogy, then, I navigate between particularly 

distinct periods: Sade’s 1790s, J. K. Huysmans’s 1890s, the baby 

boomers’ 1960s, and the period linking the held breath of the 1990s 

to the tentative exhalation of the new millennium. When investigating 

a subject as complex as libidinal millenarianism, it is not 

merely a matter of following a red thread sequentially through 

time, but realizing that the footsteps of the genealogist become 

caught up in this red thread as soon as the notion of causality is 

introduced. “[T]o be concerned with the questions of postmodernity 

is to be concerned with questions of temporality and sequence,” 

writes Diane Elam. Since “cause and effect do not [necessarily] 

keep their temporal sequence; the original is not located as the 

‘source’ that precedes the derivation” (9). And yet it can be useful to 

superimpose the diachronic onto the synchronic, if only to delineate 

the ways in which we recount certain histories that make up our 

imperfect understanding of the present. Accordingly, my research 

consistently plugs into what Mark Kingwell has called “the intricate 

feedback loops of popular culture” (343); these findings are 

then employed to reflect on his observation that “we appear to have 

no way of coping with uncertainty about the future that transcends 

the dichotomy between hope and dread” (166). 

Chapter 1 focuses on the crucial notion of panic as an ubiquitous 

libidinal-millenarian phenomenon, and explores the relationship 

between sexuality, technology and image-addiction in movies such 

as Cherry 2000 and Strange Days. Chapter 2 details the seminal 

Dionysian writers Sade, Bataille, and Nietzsche, introducing and 

defining their terms and key concepts within the context of my 

argument. It also incorporates a section on their contemporary 

adaption by more receptive and extreme elements of the academy. 

Chapter 3 investigates the explicit association of Eros, Thanatos, 

and technology in J. G. Ballard’s autoerotic equation: sex plus technology 

equals the future. Ballard’s novel Crash (1975) is then read 

against its own revision in Stephenson’s cyberpunk thriller Snow 

Crash (1993). Chapter 4 reads nineteenth-century notions of artifice 

as a precursor to such twentieth-century discussions of technology, 

and does so through the decadent classic A Rebours (1884)

y J-K. Huysmans. Chapter 5 identifies the contraceptive pill and 

the atomic bomb as two technological catalysts of the political, aesthetic, 

and literal orgy in the 1960s, and argues that this era was 

far more “thanatical” than current nostalgia would have us believe. 

Chapter 6 revolves around a reappraisal of Baudrillard’s works as 

symptomatic examples of postorgy (and premillennial) tension. 

This reading then informs my analysis of certain popular cultural 

examples of the dionysian, including “rave culture,” “death fashion,” 

and other apocalyptic expressions of youth culture. 

Pan, I conclude, is the goat in the machine, cavorting—like us 

—in the miraculous clearing between the (always almost) apocalypse 

and the (always after) orgy. Libidinal millenarianism thus 

blossoms in that psychically and politically charged space between 

anticipation and anti-climax. 

A Note on Methodology 


From the outset I would like to apologize for coining such an 

unwieldy phrase as libidinal millenarianism. Having spent the last 

five years trying to eloquently introduce this concept to friends and 

colleagues, I am only too aware of its capacity to glaze previously 

receptive minds. Unfortunately, I have found no alternative that 

does the concept justice, despite many public requests for a less 

academic phrase. Erotic apocalypse, doesn’t quite capture the theoretical 

and historical overtones that I address, and aphrodisiacal 

chiliasm is no better than the term I started with. 

I should also note that, considering the enormity of a topic 

like millenarianism, this book will inevitably be riddled with 

holes. Many important individuals and schools of thought will go 

unacknowledged simply because the field extends off into the 

horizon. AIDS and the Shoah are two apocalyptic phenomena, 

which have become such important components in discussions of 

millenarianism that they now constitute separate disciplines. 

While my study constantly engages with those forces that surround 

and produce these defining moments of the twentieth century, 

I have chosen to situate them “off stage,” as it were, in my 

own story. The Holocaust and the HIV epidemic should be considered 

“structuring absences” which, at a later date, I hope to relate 

more rigorously to my dionysian genealogy. (See James Berger’s 

After the End [1999] for a sustained reading of the Shoah as 

postapocalyptic trauma, and Richard Dellamora’s work on the 

apocalyptic amplifications of AIDS.)

22 

Introduction 

Medieval heretical sects, such as the Cathars and the 

Movement of the Free Spirit, would also belong in an exhaustive 

exploration of libidinal millenarianism, as would the Dadaists, 

Surrealists, and Situationists, to name only the most commonly 

invoked avant-garde movements. Nor would a closer study of 

Charles Manson and his particular modern brand of Saturnalia be 

out of place in such a study. All these “cults,” however, have been 

written about extensively elsewhere. (See especially Greil Marcus’s 

Lipstick Traces [1993], Norman Cohn’s Pursuit of the Millennium 

[1993], and Bernstein’s Bitter Carnival [1992].) They should not be 

considered, however, the only possible “paths not taken,” as these 

are potentially infinite. 

The End of the World is a vast topic, and I do not pretend to 

answer every question I raise concerning its traces and effects. 

Indeed I would consider my work justified if it were to provoke different 

questions in the reader concerning symbolic models of completion 

or exhaustion as they relate to time, finitude, redemption, 

and other related phenomena. Ready answers to such questions are 

more characteristic of prophets than of analysts. 

All academic labor is intrinsically hypertextual, in that it 

results in a dialogue between writer and readers, who identify aporias, 

excesses, wrong-turns, and underdevelopments. The confluence 

of two such charged concepts as “the libidinal” and “millenarianism” 

provide coordinates for countless idiosyncratic interpretations. 

Each word brings with it the baggage of tradition, which we 

would do well to remember when tackling—or even merely identifying—the 

issues involved. These traditions, however, divide and 

multiply at a rapid rate the moment we attempt to locate the point 

of intersection between “the libidinal” and “millenarianism.” The 

same is true also of “Eros” and “Thanatos,” “transcendence” and 

“transgression,” and “Apollo” and “Dionysus.” In other words, to 

map libidinal millenarianism is a more fraught and subtle enterprise 

than merely juxtaposing Freud with Cohn, or Marx with 

Kermode. As with the orgy itself, it is not always clear who is connected 

to whom. 

Heidegger, Nietzsche, and Bataille provide indispensable 

apertures into discussions about technology and transcendence. 

That is why they define the contours of my argument. Had I decided 

to take a different tangent, the names could easily have been 

Freud, McLuhan and Cioran; or Marx, Artaud, and Deleuze. 

Nontraditional primary sources point the readers in new directions. 

In this respect, the testimony of a technomusic fan or cult 

member can sometimes be as relevant and illuminating as a quotation 

from Marx or Freud. I am not conducting a philosophical 

history of ideas, but sifting through a cultural palimpsest in which


every perspective has as much weight as the next. I thus draw 

from a heterogeneous array of sources in order to simultaneously 

provide, and deconstruct, examples of political exhaustion. I have 

endeavored to balance this synthetic approach with my own coherent 

commentary. The kind of criticism I am attempting, then, is 

closer to cultural studies than to philosophy or history. 

This orientation leaves me open to criticisms regarding a perceived 

neglect of “real” political, social, and economic issues. It 

makes little sense, however, to adopt the valuable approach of Eric 

Hobsbawm or David Harvey in a study that focuses on the symbolic 

(general) economy as opposed to the political (restricted) economy. 

Such an approach would not only fall outside the scope and concerns 

of this project, but blind me to the libidinal economies which, 

to a significant extent, drive the political ones (although this can 

lead to chicken-and-egg questions). After the Orgy zooms in on a 

particular discursive response to globalization—the orgy itself, in 

Baudrillard’s terms—which eschews rhetorical calls to acknowledging 

“reality.” 

Similarly, this study deals with a particular kind of language; 

one employed by, and addressed to, a certain kind of subjectivity and 

demographic. Given the authors who constitute my particular 

genealogy, it should be clear that this demographic is predominantly 

white, male, American, or European; socially estranged; and economically 

privileged. As witnessed with the Heaven’s Gate cult, however, 

strict demographic delineations become blurred when dealing 

with the shifting matrices of sexuality, technology, capital, and 

desire. 

One of the most seductive elements of dionysian discourse is 

the way in which it critiques the assumptions on which powerful 

“mainstream” institutions, such as the patriarchal family, are 

based. As Peter Stallybrass and Allon White have shown, the carnivalesque 

has traditionally (and somewhat ironically) been championed 

by the bourgeoisie, who romanticize the “power of the people” 

as a kind of vicarious transgressive outlet. Libidinal millenarianism 

is both a specific strain of the carnivalesque and a revulsion 

against it; as in the case of Huysmans or Heaven’s Gate. It is also 

a form of decadent philosophy that appeals to a particularly jaded 

(and admittedly ethnocentric) aesthetic sensibility. While I believe 

that elements of this sensibility cut across gender, race, class, and 

sexual orientation, it would take another five years to demonstrate 

such a claim. We must, therefore, be mindful of the fact that whenever 

I say “we,” I am indulging in a linguistic shortcut that both 

elides and conflates countless particularities, possibilities, and 

actualities. 

As such, this book represents a sustained attempt to under-

24 

Introduction 

stand the recurring motifs of eroticized extinction and irresponsible 

heresy. Its concern is not to determine whether we are living literally 

or figuratively “after the orgy,” but rather to show why that 

phrase resonates so powerfully in today’s public sphere. The very 

notion of “libidinal millenarianism” is an attempt—almost literally, 

virtually—to “flesh out” themes and concerns of the technological 

sublime as it relates to the dionysian dynamic. If it were to truly 

mirror its subject matter, this book would be a chaotic and cyborgian 

intervention; a frenzied, sensual, incoherent, irrational, and 

rhetorical rubble. The constraints on form, however, testify to the 

stubborn and pervasive reign of Apollo, whom dionysians ignore at 

their peril.

1 

Panic Merchants: 

Prophecy and the Satyr 

[T]here are strange Ferments in the Blood, which in many 

Bodys occasion an extraordinary Discharge; so in Reason too, 

there are heterogeneous Particles which must be thrown off 

by Fermentation. 

For where panic is, there too is Pan. 

Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury (14) 

25 

James Hillman (33) 

The Greek god Pan is one of western culture’s most enduring and 

ubiquitous trickster figures. Half-man, half-goat, Pan dwells in 

forests and glades trying to seduce nymphs, despite his grotesque 

demeanor. Born in Arcadia, he has thus become an icon for those 

who lament the Fall into civilization. 

Pan’s relationship to both Dionysus and Bacchus has become 

so confused that it is now difficult to distinguish one from the other. 

This is hardly surprising, considering their shared characteristics, 

and their inherently fusional-orgiastic function within classical 

philosophical and literary fables. As signifiers, “Dionysus” and 

“Pan” are free-floating archetypes, confused through various interpretations—Friedrich 

Nietzsche’s being arguably the most influential. 

This is not necessarily a matter of historical blurring, but 

rather a sign of the almost Rorschachian ambiguity of his metaphysical 

presence (or absence) in modern times. As a trickster figure, 

Pan continues to elude us, and to enthrall the imagination for 

this very reason. 

In her literary history of Pan the Goat God (published, significantly 

enough, in 1969), Patricia Merivale traces the evolution of

26 


this myth into the twentieth century. She concludes that his symbolic 

status as a sexual figure is “only a recent literary characteristic” 

(226), initiated by Robert Browning’s vision of Pan as lurking 

within us, rather than roaming the landscape. This radical reassessment 

of Pan’s “essential” character forever altered our perception of 

his mythical status. Consequently, the goat-god—rather like millenarianism 

itself—is “not exclusively sexual, but largely so” (90). 

Beginning with Nietzsche’s question—“what does the union of 

god and goat . . . really mean?” (226)—Merivale explores the general 

rekindling of interest in Pan during the previous fin de siècle, 

categorizing different species of literary Pans, and identifying 

genealogical overlaps between Pan and Dionysus. She reveals that 

Nietzsche’s famous dialectic between Apollo and Dionysus had 

many precedents, many of which placed Pan in the antagonistic 

position. William Hazlitt, for instance, in his Lectures on the Age of 

Elizabeth (1820), saw the contest between Pan and Apollo as a critical 

metaphor, given the “repeated claim that Apollo is envious of 

his sweet pipings” (ibid.: 60). Lyly’s Midas (1592) states that “Pan 

is a God, Apollo is no more!” (ibid.: 48), while Buchanan’s 1885 

poem, “The Earthquake” proclaims, 

Woe to the land wherein the Satyr reigns, 

And Pan usurps Apollo’s throne! 

(ibid.: 110) 

There was an enormous resurgence of interest in Pan as an ideological 

icon at the beginning of the twentieth century. According to 

E. M. Forster, the Pan-effect had not only continued but accelerated 

into the modern world, which is why in Howards End (1910) 

“panic and emptiness” accompany the life of “telegrams and anger” 

(ibid.: 190). Technology is thus identified as a compatible environment 

for the previously agrarian Pan. 

Pan’s sardonic laugh was heard across the battlefields of 

Europe by writers documenting that conflagration of 

Enlightenment ideals by horrific technologies, the First World War. 

Osbert Sitwell described the carnage allegorically: “‘Pan and Mars 

had broken loose together and had set out to conquer the man who 

wound and set the clocks that regulated civilized living” (ibid.: 221). 

Here Pan is presented as an inherited blood-lust in an age of 

mechanical production. 

Indeed this guilt by association is directly connected to the literary 

motif of panic as a destructively sublime communion with the 

Infinite. The undefined “mystical fright” of sensitive nineteenthcentury 

souls such as Fyodor Dostoevsky, prompted the emergence

Panic Merchants 27 

of the medical condition of “Panophobia,” for which the popular 

term would soon become panic attack (Nordau 226). Moreover, one 

character in Arthur Machen’s “Man Who Went Too Far” (1912) 

declares that “Pan means ‘everything,’ and to see everything would 

be clearly more than one could stand. And so to see Pan means 

death” (Merivale 168). 

To feel the presence of Pan, therefore, means death and/or fulfillment. 

In fact this “and/or” provides the crucial pivot on which 

libidinal millenarianism rests, ever-suspended between orgasm 

and extinction. For if Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari are correct 

in claiming that “it is by headlong flight that things progress and 

signs proliferate,” then we can also concede that “Panic is creation” 

(73). Moreover, such theoretical mobilizations serve to add an extra 

dimension to Pan’s subtextual role in biblical accounts of the Last 

Judgment, and specifically Matthew’s description of the division of 

sheep from goats (Matt. 25.31-46). 

Pan’s figural flexibility, therefore, is evidence of his catalytic 

force. For it is he, according to such narratives, who is responsible 

for the fire in the loins: the same loins that Norman O. Brown has 

identified as the site of the Last Judgment. Those who succumb to 

this libidinal fever are thus cast into the pit by the Christian God 

whose chief adversary is variously named Satan, Pan, or Dionysus. 

Ever since Plutarch recorded the story of the death of Pan (Moralia, 

V 419), this deity has been invisible or “transparent,” in Jean 

Baudrillard’s terms. Yet like various charismatic figures—God, 

Nietzsche, and a steady stream of suicidal rock stars—Pan created 

a power-effect that increased after his death: “Pan is dead: long live 

Pan.” Consistently, Pan has been situated outside of and against 

the Christian metaphysical tradition, yet parallel to it. If Nietzsche 

had ever thought that Pan/Dionysus was dead, he would certainly 

have believed that resuscitation was not only possible but imperative. 

In mythology, psychology, and philosophy, Pan lives on to 

haunt the invisible membrane between sexuality and textuality. 

Pan can be understood accordingly as having metamorphosed 

into the flux and flow of language, and reincarnated in the notion 

of “Pan-ic.” Indeed the very word panic expresses the contagious 

spread of fear through the herd. In his eighteenth-century polemic, 

“A Letter Concerning Enthusiasm,” the Earl of Shaftesbury 

recounts an origin myth for this phenomenon: 

We read in History that PAN, when he accompany’d BACCHUS in 

an Expedition to the Indies, found means to strike a Terror thro’ a 

Host of Enemys, by the help of a small Company, whose Clamors 

he manag’d to good advantage among the echoing Rocks and 

Caverns of a woody Vale. The hoarse bellowing of the Caves, join’d

28 


to the hideous aspect of such dark and desart Places, rais’d such a 

Horror in the Enemy, that in this state their Imagination help’d 

’em to hear Voices, and doubtless to see Forms too, which were 

more than Human: whilst the Uncertainty of what they fear’d 

made their Fear yet greater, and spread it faster by implicit Looks 

than any Narration cou’d convey it. And this was what in aftertimes 

Men called a Panick. The story indeed gives a good Hint of 

the nature of this Passion, which can hardly be without some mixture 

of Enthusiasm, and Horrors of a superstitious kind. (14-5) 

Shaftesbury goes on to emphasize the “social and communicative” 

aspect of panic, before linking it specifically to religious manias: 

One may with good reason call every Passion Panick which is rais’d 

in a Multitude, and convey’d by Aspect, or as it were by Contact or 

Sympathy. Thus popular Fury may be call’d Panick, when the Rage 

of the People, as we have sometimes known, has put them beyond 

themselves; especially where Religion has had to do. And in this 

state their very Looks are infectious. The Fury flies from Face to 

Face: and the Disease is no sooner seen than caught. (15) 

Leaving aside the revolutionary potential of the “Rage of the 

People,” we can acknowledge the viral rhetoric that depicts Pan’s 

power. Shaftesbury’s crucial move is to link the prophetic function 

of Pan with religion, and to remember that the pronouncement 

recorded by Plutarch—“Pan is dead”—was a reaction to the perceived 

failure of the oracles after the birth of Christ. “Enthusiasm,” 

for Shaftesbury, is a commodity peddled by “Vendors of Prophecy.” 

Consequently, panic is “easy to be carry’d away with every Wind of 

Doctrine, and addicted to every upstart Sect or Superstition” (28). 

It would be hard to think of a more relevant comment in the era of 

Waco, Heaven’s Gate, and the Japanese Aum Shinrikyo cult. 

After locating the germs of panic in the imagination, Shaftesbury 

goes on to describe the somatic signs of infection. In post-Freudian 

times, these are easily interpreted as manifestations of sexual eruptions. 

As with certain mystical experiences, the fine line between 

sacred and profane experience can be erased by the scorching fire of 

passion. “I learn from holy Scripture,” Shaftesbury explains, “that 

there was the evil, as well as the good Spirit of Prophecy. And I find 

by present Experience, as well as by all History, Sacred and Profane, 

that the Operation of this Spirit is every where the same, as to the 

bodily Organs” (45). The spirit of Pan—described alternately as “the 

Blaze” or “the Extasy”—is described in sexual terms: its outward 

manifestations are “Quakings, Tremblings, Tossings of the Head and 

Limbs, [and] Agitation.” When bodies are “labouring with 

Inspiration,” “Eyes glow with the Passion” (45, 50) and breasts heave.


The Pan-effect thus continues in the form of the panic instinct. 

In his monograph on Pan and the Nightmare, James Hillman 

echoes Shaftesbury’s belief that Pan thrives best in the imagination. 

“Pan is still alive,” he writes, “although we experience him 

only through psychopathological disturbances, other modes having 

been lost in our culture” (1988;18). Since Pan never died (he was 

merely repressed) he has been savoring the potential power of his 

Return. This power leaks into culture via these psychopathologies, 

most notably “the nightmare and its associated erotic, demonic and 

panic qualities” (25). 

By associating Pan with nightmares, Hillman evokes both an 

explicitly Jungian unconscious and the Freudian theory of repression. 

If we are to believe the founders of psychoanalysis, and the subsequent 

absorption of their ideas into popular knowledge (especially 

in the 1960s), then Pan shares this murky terrain with Eros. The 

nightmares that emanate monstrously from the fertile excrement of 

the unconscious are thus rooted in a suppressed sexuality and a primal 

sense of fear: “The poles of sexuality and panic, which can 

instantly switch into each other or release each other, exhibit the most 

crassly compulsive extremes of attraction and repulsion . . . . Pan, 

as ruler of nature ‘in here,’ dominates sexual and panic reactions, and 

is located in these extremes” (27—my emphasis). 

In the 1960s, when the sexual revolution cannot be distinguished 

from the fear of nuclear Armageddon (as I shall argue in 

chapter 5), the iconic resurgence of Pan signaled uneasy anxiousness 

as well as hedonistic promiscuity. Because “anxiety and desire 

are twin nuclei of the Pan archetype” (31), it is impossible to determine 

which is cause and which is effect. 

Symbolizing the paroxysm of erotic fear, Pan is the quintessential 

figure of libidinal millenarianism. Messianic figures from 

Zoroaster to David Koresh are all indebted to the proleptic powers 

of Pan. If it is true that “Apollo wheedled the art of prophecy” from 

Pan (Graves 1960;102), we can appreciate the complicated role 

played by Pan in apocalyptic discourses. 

Because Pan is elusive as a symbolic figure or “metaphysical pattern,” 

he represents different concepts to different schools of 

thought. All of them, however, connect his latent influence with the 

vengeful power of “Nature.” In Tom Robbins’s novel, Jitterbug 

Perfume (1990), Pan is portrayed as an almost transparent figure, 

disappearing into the ether due to his archaic status in a modern 

era. Nevertheless, this vanishing act does little to mask his musky 

stench, which is still powerful enough to coax the libido out of even 

the most prudish of souls. From Plutarch via Pascal to Robbins, 

Pan is depicted as a casualty of civilization. Nevertheless, he man-

30 


ages to harness a kind of amorphous sexual power that challenges 

the fragile laws of society. 

In his weighty polemic against what he sees as the viruslike 

influence of Nietzsche’s thought, Geoff Waite engages with the figure 

of Pan-Dionysus: 

In Greek mythology and in the German intellectual tradition, 

Dionysus is the proleptic god par excellence. He is “the coming 

god,” not merely in the sense that his coming is anticipated in the 

future—for example, every destructive-creative springtime—but 

also in the strong sense that his primary attribute . . . is defined 

in terms of coming and recoming, not actual arrival. The true 

essence of the demigod consists in perpetually coming toward 

humanity from the future but not necessarily ever arriving. (134) 

This offers a crucial insight into libidinal millenarianism, relating 

to both Jacques Derrida’s concern with the sexual undertones of 

“coming” as an eschatological concept, and to the implicit identification 

of Pan with the apocalypse itself, as an end that never comes: 

the always deferred Terminal Orgasm. Since Pan is the phallic 

goat-god, it is no surprise that he can be appropriated by heterosexist 

narratives based on historical climax. 

According to Hillman, Pan invented masturbation, which he 

describes as “a way of enacting Pan” (36). Autoerotic activities are 

also associated with the biblical figure of Onan, who was struck 

dead by God for his nonprocreative (i.e., proto-Sadean) behavior. 

Other than providing yet another fusion of sex and death, this 

moral fable illustrates the matrix of “panic phenomena” whereby 

the taboo is completed through transgression. By “enacting Pan” 

we thus dissolve the distinction between the natural and the 

(allegedly) unnatural. 

The isolation of Des Esseintes in J.-K. Huysmans’s A Rebours 

(1884), is a monastic-cum-onanistic response to the decadent orgy 

articulated through the main character’s fondness for artifice. So 

too was Nietzsche’s, whose falling out with high society is said to 

have begun with Richard Wagner’s description of him as “an 

onanist.” The solitary who surfs the Internet in search of porn is 

also responding (albeit “positively”) to the orgiastic excess of a decadent 

society, expressed through technology. All these scenarios 

speak of a hypermediated form of alienation. 

Pan thus straddles both the instinct to survive (the “lust for 

life”), and the “necro-porn” or “sacrificial sex” of certain romantic, 

decadent, and postmodern subcultures. According to those scandalized 

by such behavior, the Apocalypse will surely come when 

God decides to smite both the Onans and the libertines of our own

decadent Western society. Hillman asks why we expect prophecy to 

“come with a long beard and a thunderous voice,” when it could 

just as easily manifest itself as “a jet of desire” (53). Ejaculation 

both mimics and mocks the coming of the Lord. But if Terence 

McKenna is right, and “Western Civilization has shot its wad,” 

then the apocalypse must have already happened. 

The Goat in the Machine 


There is something inherently subversive about taking all this 

incredibly expensive technological equipment and putting a 

naked woman on it. 

Richard Kadrey in Wired for Sex 

I felt really sad for the panic buttons, because panic seems like 

such an outdated, corny reaction to all of the change in the 

world. I mean if you have to be negative, there’s a reasonable 

enough menu of options available—disengagement—atomization—torpor—but 

panic? Corrrrrrrrny. 

Douglas Coupland, Microserfs 

Cybersex is a thriving industry in the fin de millénium. The user is 

able to interface with two-dimensional representations of his or her 

(although usually his) fantasy, stroking the screen while “enacting 

Pan.” Mark Kingwell explains that because new technologies mobilize 

sexual imagery in sophisticated advertising strategies, we now 

“soothe ourselves with our candy substitutes. In erotica everything 

is promised and nothing delivered; consuming it, we subsist on a 

sugar diet of pure stimulated desire” (200). 

This scenario was eagerly anticipated in the 1960s by Marshall 

McLuhan, who believed that the electronic media had a pan-sensual 

potential for transfiguring sexuality in such a way as to make 

“Henry Miller’s style of randy rutting old-fashioned and obsolete” 

(Neville 70). While many would regard such obsolescence as wholly 

positive, it has become increasingly clear that the old phallocentric 

power structures have merely been encoded in the digital future. 

Kadrey’s claim that there is something “inherently subversive” in 

digital representations of female nudity rests on a severely compromised 

definition of subversion, for it fails to take account of the 

adman’s exploitation of libido.

32 


Pixis Interactive is based in Silicon Valley, and is one of the 

biggest producers of digital pornography (or erotica, depending on 

how you see it). It releases computer games in which the lust-object 

stares out from the screen and addresses players in first-person 

mode. Such games are “interactive” because they offer players several 

options by clicking on a command linked to a particular operation 

(i.e., undress and turn around). One option, always available in 

an erotic emergency, is the Panic Button. 

Arthur Kroker—who affixes the word “panic” to any buzzword 

of the day—has described the apocalyptic effects of this 

ultramodern technolorgy as panic sex, a term that maps the simulated 

terrain covered so thoroughly by Jean Baudrillard. 

Perhaps Hillman, however, describes the situation most clearly: 

“Let us say that the world of nature, Pan’s world, is in a continual 

state of subliminal panic just as it is in a continual state of subliminal 

sexual excitation. As the world is made by Eros, held 

together by that cosmogonic force and charged with the libidinal 

desire that is Pan . . . so its other side, panic . . . belongs to 

the same constellation” (29-30). 

As we have seen, this “continual state of subliminal excitation” 

also saturates the technological. In millenarian terms (and I explore 

this matter more thoroughly in chapter 3) the divine dwells inside or 

alongside technology, so that artifice creates a new “metaphorical 

pattern . . . incorporating anxiety and sexuality” (ibid.: 32). 

According to Hillman, panic is not to be treated with Valium or 

suspicion, because it is a natural—even ethical—response to the 

technological sublime: “We must follow the path cleared by 

Nietzsche, whose investigation of kinds of consciousness and behaviour 

through Apollo and Dionysus can be extended to Pan. Then 

panic will no longer be regarded as a physiological defence mechanism 

. . . but will be seen as the right response to the numinous” 

(30). 

In William Gibson’s cyberpunk novel, Mona Lisa Overdrive 

(1988), there comes a point when technological acceleration is 

referred to as either the Rapture or “When it Changed.” Like a vacuum 

sucking in oxygen, the new realm of cyberspace attracts new 

electronic deities, and the matrix finds itself populated by sentient, 

even sacred, creatures. Gibson refers to these gods as the Loa, from 

voodoo mythology. One could, however, propose Pan as the goat in 

the machine—a lustful ghost-god, overseeing virtual orgies with 

digital nymphs who are mere vapors of data. 6 

If Dionysus-Pan is indeed the proleptic god par excellence, 

then we must take the next step and acknowledge his presence in 

technological terms. “Prolepsis,” Waite tells us, “has also to do with 

the mechanical reproducibility—fast-forward (anticipation) and


fast-reverse (memory)” (132). Pan is no longer the god of nature, but 

of technology; or more accurately, the god of nature in technology. 

Indeed, as I write, there is a World Wide Website known as “Pan’s 

Online Grove”: dedicated to literary works inspired by the horny 

one, it also sells T-shirts imprinted with his image. Thus Pan has 

left the hidden spaces of both the forest and the psyche in order to 

inhabit the shadows of cyberspace. 

Michel Maffesoli has thought long and hard about the legacy of 

Pan and its relation to both technology and sexuality. In The 

Time of the Tribes (1996), he continues to work self-consciously 

within “the Dionysian thematic,” celebrating the “panvitalism” of 

the people. Maffesoli—who is “confident in the fact that certain 

‘outdated’ considerations may be perfectly adequate to their 

time” (2)—identifies an “organic” explosion of microgroups that 

establish a creative and conflicting notion of the masses. His 

faith in the future depends on the atavistic power of 

Pan/Dionysus, which celebrates the “pagan fibre which . . . has 

never entirely disappeared from the masses” (41). 7 This tendency 

to seek a carnivalesque continuity relates to a familiar millenarian 

motif, namely, an imminent transcendence spawned by the 

orgiastic aura of “these closing days of the modern era” (1). 

The lifeblood of Maffesoli’s Dionysian sociolorgy concerns those 

mushrooming affinity groups that make up the social fabric of the 

fin de millénium, from populist subcultures to elitist secret societies. 

Stressing the kinship between proximity and promiscuity, he 

claims that such allegiances are at root erotic, and nurtured by a 

shared space or territory, whether real or symbolic. “We have 

dwelled so often on the dehumanization and the disenchantment 

with the modern world and the solitude it induces,” he writes, “that 

we are no longer capable of seeing the networks of solidarity that 

exist within it” (72). Consequently, Maffesoli has no patience with 

those theories of hyperalienation that are promoted by Baudrillard 

and his disciples: 

A tendency to see life as alienation or to hope for a perfect or 

authentic existence makes us forget that daily routine is stubbornly 

founded on a series of interstitial and relative freedoms. As 

has been seen in economics, it is possible to demonstrate the existence 

of a black-market sociality, which is easily tracked through 

its diverse and minuscule manifestations. (21) 

One such is the Minitel computer network in France, which, 

by anticipating the veritable plague of Internet fever, qualifies as 

one of Shaftesbury’s contagious enthusiasms. The Minitel was an 

early electronic bulletin board, which allowed like-minded people

34 


to communicate across geographic frontiers. It was thus the latest 

technological evolution—after the printing press, the telegraph 

and the amplifier—capable of fostering a sense of community. By 

creating a network that eluded governmental regulation (for a 

time, at least) the Minitel anticipated Hakim Bey’s notion of a 

Temporary Autonomous Zone: socialism with an interface. Both 

Pan and Dionysus dwell in such a symbolic space, because 

the growth in urban tribes has encouraged a “computerized 

palaver” that assumes the rituals of the ancient agora. We would 

no longer face the dangers, as was first believed, of the macroscopic 

computer disconnected from reality, but on the contrary, thanks 

to the personal computer and cable TV, we are confronted with the 

infinite diffraction of an orality disseminated by degrees. (25) 

Technology is thus one of the key vectors of Maffesoli’s orgy, encouraging 

new articulations of the “social divine.” 

Some of his claims are far-fetched: that we are moving from an 

“optical” period to a “tactile” one, for instance, or that alternative 

movements such as astrology and naturapathy are “in the process 

of overturning the social configuration.” Nonetheless, the notion 

that postmodern society is in some sense reinventing archaic values 

is compelling. Tattooing, body-piercing, branding, scarification, and 

other rituals of the “new primitivism” are spectacular manifestations 

of such cyberatavism. Whether experienced on the street or in 

books like Adam Parfrey’s Apocalypse Culture (1990), the subliminal 

Pan-ic of the “popular-secular apocalyptic” can hardly be 

denied. Indeed, only those who have not witnessed the ecstatic ritual 

of the “rave” could dismiss Maffesoli’s prophecy that the “confusion 

of the dionysian myth has produced significant effects of civilization,” 

and that perhaps “our megalopolises are the site of their 

rebirth” (129). Fleshing out this insight into our neo-decadent period, 

Maffesoli sees evidence of a spiritual renovation in 

beaches crammed with holiday-makers, department stores 

thronged with howling consumers, riotous sporting events and the 

anodyne crowds milling about with no apparent purpose. In many 

respects, it would seem that Dionysus has overwhelmed them all. 

The tribes he inspires demonstrate a troublesome ambiguity: 

although not disdaining the most sophisticated technology, they 

remain nonetheless somewhat barbaric. Perhaps this is a sign of 

postmodernity. Be that as it may, the principle of reality, on the 

one hand, forces us to accept these hordes, since they are there, 

and on the other, urges us to remember that time and again 

throughout history it was barbarity that brought many moribund 

civilizations back to life. (28)


Maffesoli’s attraction/repulsion concerning “the masses” 

exhibits the patronizing nostalgia that marks this particular school 

of thought from Baudelaire to Baudrillard. And like the latter, 

Maffesoli preempts allegations of snobbery by stating that although 

“the founding being-together may never in fact have existed . . . 

it remains nevertheless the nostalgic basis” of his inquiry (128- 

129). That the aristocratic elitism of the nineteenth-century fin de 

siècle could mutate into the anarchic populism of the 1990s—and 

still retain a direct lineage – is one of the historical wonders of millenarian 

scholarship. 

As a timely negotiation between the archaic and the futuristic, 

The Time of the Tribes almost succumbs to a sentimental form of 

utopianism. It believes that the mortal fragility of the orgy provides 

the key to social behavior, unlocking “a sign of the future in that 

which is ending” (78). This vision of the future as a “succession of 

‘presents’” not only preoccupied Friedrich Nietzsche’s Zarathustra, 

but has also inspired popular culture’s nihilistic energy from the 

Ranters to the punks. Moreover, Maffesoli’s project consistently 

hinges on the “ambience of the moment” (145), prompting the question, 

“Does not each great caesura in human evolution—revolution, 

decadence, and the birth of empire—see the rise of an array of new 

lifestyles?” (96). The surfeit of new subcultures that emerged in the 

1990s certainly suggests that culture is evolving according to some 

kind of dionysian directive. The question is, toward what?

2 

The Rapture of Rupture 

[H]uman beings are aware that they will die. In that awareness, 

humans are always in the process of dying—whether 

denying or accepting—because they can imagine the end. A 

human death is an imagined death. 

37 

David Chidester (ix) 

Transcendence is both real and impossible, as is the 

human race. 

Nick Land (143) 

Before we contemplate life “after the orgy,” however, we must look 

at the orgy itself, or at least those whose rhetoric was orgiastic. 

The Marquis de Sade, Georges Bataille, and Friedrich Nietzsche 

constitute a canon for any libidinal genealogy located within historical 

philosophy. Their works help to define many pivotal terms, 

while simultaneously tracing the discursive boundaries that 

encircle millenarianism. To review some of their core concepts is 

therefore to understand not only the ideological “pollution at the 

source,” as it were, but also the many mutations their ideas have 

undergone during their crooked journey to the popular culture of 

today. As a consequence, we should familiarize ourselves with 

three distinct, yet interrelated concepts, in order to understand 

the isomorphic relationship between sexuality (Eros) and endtime 

scenarios (Thanatos): Sade’s death of God, Bataille’s eroticism, 

and Nietzsche’s Dionysus. I shall go through each in turn. 

Transgression and transcendence, are two common responses to a 

perceived threat of the End of the World. Western millenarianism 

is largely the history of interactions between these two philosophi-

38 


cal strands. Each attempt to renegotiate and surpass limits, particularly 

the “ultimate limit” of death. Transgression aims to overcome 

the limit by crashing through it, perhaps perishing in the 

process, whereas transcendence seeks to rise above the limit while 

remaining intact. In his cross-cultural study of Patterns of 

Transcendence, Chidester notes that concepts of transcendence 

“always appear in relation to the human limit situation of death, 

but they approach that limit in remarkably different ways. Limit 

is an interesting word. From a Latin word limen meaning wall, 

door, or threshold, the limit of death may appear as a wall that 

blocks any progress, as a door to open, or as a threshold to cross 

into another world” (1990: xi). 

Chidester goes on to identify one particular strategy as “experiential 

transcendence,” which attempts to reconcile being and notbeing 

by incorporating death into life: “Either through acceptance 

or ecstasy—that is, through profound and often intense experiences 

of rising above death while still alive—experiential transcendence 

may appear as a kind of rehearsal for death” (ibid.). If the metaphor 

of “rising above” is temporarily removed from this definition, then 

transcendence turns out to bear an uncanny resemblance to what 

is often portrayed as its opposite: transgression. 

Georges Bataille’s definition of eroticism—“assenting to life up 

to the point of death” (1986: 11)—could also serve as a general definition 

of transgression, for it provides a common thread that binds 

his own writings to those of Nietzsche and Sade. These three 

thinkers seek an ultimate affirmation in a universe perceived as 

indifferent, or even hostile, to human existence in general and personal 

identity in particular. Traditionally they have been framed as 

negative thinkers who write against God, against Nature, and 

against prevailing moral systems. According to Michael Foucault, 

however, transgression is an affirmative gesture that “must be liberated 

from the scandalous or subversive, that is, from anything 

aroused by negative associations” (1977: 35). 8 The individual projects 

of Sade, Nietzsche, and Bataille transcend this negativity by 

spilling over into an ecstatic embrace of both life and death, which 

Nietzsche calls “No-doing and Yes-saying.” 

By transgressing the laws of nature and society, Bataille, 

Nietzsche, and Sade seek to create a philosophy that transcends the 

fate that condemns individuality to a life-sentence of sentience. 

This is a more complex maneuver than at first appears, for there is 

no smooth progression from transgression to transcendence. These 

two impulses do not run parallel like Eros and Thanatos, snaking 

together at multiple moments like a DNA coil. Rather they run perpendicularly, 

intersecting only at one crucial point, namely, that 

end point where rupture spills over into rapture.

The Rapture of Rupture 39 

On the face of it, transgression and transcendence are diametrically 

opposed. For if the transgressive engages actively with the 

physical world (through symbolic inversion), the transcendent is 

comparatively passive in relating to the physical world only 

through symbolic aversion. Quintessential examples would contrast 

Sade’s libertine in blood-drenched ecstasy with the evangelist’s 

rapturous believer ascending to heaven. Both, however, are 

ecstatic moments, incorporating a sense of vertigo experienced as 

psychic hemorrhage. Both are thus forms of Chidester’s “experiential 

transcendence.” 

The mystical writings of Saint Theresa of Avila provide an 

excellent example of the point at which transcendence and transgression 

not only display certain similarities but actually exchange 

fundamental properties: “In his hands I saw a long golden spear 

and at the end of the iron tip I seemed to see a point of fire. With 

this he seemed to pierce my heart several times so that it penetrated 

to my entrails. When he drew it out I thought he was drawing 

them out with it and he left me completely afire with a great 

love for God” (Bataille, 1986: 224). 

These two impulses bubble to the surface most visibly and violently 

in the radically unstable space of the erotic. As Freud 

hypothesizes in relation to civilization’s discontent (1962), an eroticized 

death is the shadow that mocks our more noble efforts, and 

indeed may even spell the end of all of our endeavors. 

The three authors I focus on in this chapter—Sade, Nietzsche and 

Bataille—all exemplify “heterotopic” or transgressive writing. 

Simon During argues that such a discursive mode rejects traditionally 

“stable” or “realistic” textual codes in order to “clear an ideological 

space: a space for action, experimentation, chance, freedom, 

mobility” (7). By celebrating the base materialism of the body 

against the spirituality of the soul or mind, transgressive writing 

seeks to explode those orthodox notions of coherence and consistency 

that run in tandem with humanist narratives. Fragmentation 

and rupture are privileged above unity and rapture. Contradictions 

are reconciled, but not through the patient route of logic or dialects. 

Instead they either undergo a dionysian unification through violent 

fusion, or else remain unreconciled like pieces of broken glass to 

slash curious but unprepared readers. 

This is why Sade’s writings can tolerate glaring inconsistencies. 

At one moment, in his book Philosophy in the Bedroom, Dolmance 

tells Eugenie, “your body is yours and yours alone, and only you 

have the right to use it as you see fit” (1995: 53); later he will tell 

her, “your sex can never serve Nature better than when it prostitutes 

itself to ours” (116). In the space between such inconsistencies

40 

are forged the possibilities of the heterotopic text, including the 

possibility of its own imminent collapse. 

Nietzsche, Sade, and Bataille share a hatred of Christianity 

and “the gnostic desire to escape the loathed body” (Weiss, 130). 

They also share an urgent interest in the “libidinal economy”—the 

symbolic and political “science of drives” (Land 30) which they 

hoped would soon break Christianity’s choke-hold over the Western 

mind. They not only perceived, but consciously and actively fueled, 

the sense of an ending. 

They differed, of course, on details of the impending collapse. 

Nietzsche and Sade believed in a spiritual caste system for men 

who were marked for greatness and superiority, whereas Bataille 

remained relatively faithful to his more democratic Marxist leanings. 

Nietzsche never wrote pornography, whereas Sade and 

Bataille did so tirelessly. Sade tried to say everything in an encyclopedic 

compulsion, whereas Nietzsche and Bataille believed the 

essential to be ultimately unsayable. And Bataille, at times, 

strayed toward the mystical, whereas Sade and Nietzsche saw such 

tendencies as symptomatic of a weak mind. Nevertheless, to compare 

the transgressive strain in their writings provides an opportunity 

to unbandage that festering area where the scatological 

resides within the eschatological. 

Sade and the Death of God 


There is no better way to know death than to link it with 

some licentious image. 

Marquis de Sade (Bataille, 1986: 11) 

In “A Preface to Transgression” (1977), Foucault traces a direct link 

between the writings of Sade, the “death of God” and the formation 

of “sexuality” in the official languages of modernity. He explains 

that the excesses of the Divine Marquis were designed to provoke a 

God who was either nonexistent or too pathetic to respond. When 

Newtonian models of scientific inquiry began to erode the moral 

panopticon of an all-seeing, vengeful deity, Sade took it upon himself 

to explain that human behavior was now “liberated.” As 

Foucault notes, “the death of God does not restore us to a limited 

and positivistic world, but to a world exposed by the experience of 

its limits” (32-33). Through excess we discover “that sexuality and


the death of God are bound to the same experience.” Eroticism, for 

Foucault at least, is this “experience of sexuality which links, for its 

own ends, an overcoming of limits to the death of God” (ibid.). The 

loss of subjectivity in ecstasy and sexual rapture thus becomes confused 

with the philosophical loss of sovereignty in the death of God. 

Civilization rests on a rigorous separation of the human from 

the natural domain. The incest taboo is often cited as the universal 

constitutional organization of culture (see especially Claude Lévi- 

Strauss’s Elementary Structures of Kinship). We must therefore 

remind ourselves of the oxymoronic nature of the term human 

nature, since it is “precisely the unnatural which is particularly 

human” (Weiss, 1989: 43). To consolidate human community and 

communication we rely on the supernatural: a sacred communion. 

By removing the theological crutch of religion, Sade’s creed first 

exposes the complicity between immortality and morality, and then 

replaces it with mortality and immorality. 

As a consequence of Sade’s deicide, and the resulting psychosocial 

revolution, transgression becomes a game of not only 

crossing limits but of constituting new ones. After God’s funeral we 

are in virgin epistemological territory, having buried transcendental 

guarantees of individual sovereignty in the same coffin (along 

with the “limit-condition” that he represented). Hence, any discussion 

of transgression necessarily revolves around the twin-pin of 

Nature and the Sacred. 

Sexuality is our most obvious substitute for the spiritual loss 

that flows from what Salman Rushdie once referred to as our “godshaped 

hole.” In addition to psychoanalytic notions of primal lack we 

must now suffer another, perhaps even more unbearable absence, 

for which we have only ourselves to blame (or thank, depending on 

your perspective). By killing God we also murder that divine part of 

ourselves that hitherto identified us as uniquely human. Thus, sexuality—or 

at least the language of sexuality—rushes into this new 

abysmal space like air into a vacuum. In this sense, Sade’s horrific 

compositions trace the outline of God’s absence like chalk scrawled 

on the pavement at the scene of the crime. 

Transgression consists of “profanation in a world which no 

longer recognizes any positive meaning in the sacred” (ibid.: 30). 

Sade can delight in such expletives as “Black Christ Vomit!” at the 

moment of orgasm, even though only a few pages earlier he had 

claimed that blasphemy holds no intrinsic value, “since there is little 

use defiling the name of a God who now has ceased to exist” (94). 

The Supreme Being, however, retains the power to be reevoked and 

defiled in the interests of the pleasure of transgression, because he 

represents “those ultimate boundaries of religion, propriety, 

humaneness and virtue” (ibid.: 71—my emphasis). Sade’s virulent

42 

nihilism is thus an active negation of the moral manipulation of the 

sacred, and is thereby implicated with (organized) religion by association. 

Such complicity leads Land to conclude that “Sade’s writings 

are baked to charcoal in the sacred” (145). 

Transgression is parasitic in nature. It needs limits in order 

to exist, for to exceed them is its raison d’être. Like a shooting 

star, it burns intensely for a moment and then extinguishes itself. 

Such a concept is obviously open to romantic interpretation—an 

allegation to which Nietzsche and Bataille are vulnerable. 

However, there is no time or place for transgression on the other 

side of the limit, since it is born and dies in that moment of rupture-rapture. 

In Foucault’s words, the unbearable finitude of 

transgression “consumes and consummates us” (1977: 49). As a 

consequence, transgression defines itself against traditional 

metaphysical or Christian notions of transcendence that seek 

serenity inside infinity. Put simply, the transgressive philosopher 

has no faith in any “afterlife.” 

Foucault explains that “the limit and transgression depend 

on each other for whatever density of being they possess: a limit 

could not exist if it were absolutely uncrossable and, reciprocally, 

transgression would be pointless if it merely crossed a limit composed 

of illusions and shadows” (ibid.: 34). Sade understood this 

relationship when he stated that “there is nothing that can set 

bounds to licentiousness . . . [for] the best way of enlarging and 

multiplying one’s desires is to try to limit them” (Bataille, 1986: 

48). Freedom thus becomes the liberty to impose one’s own limits 

and to enjoy their provocative charge. The libertine is like the 

writer, for both thrive on restrictions. The libidinal landscape 

inhabited by desire could not function as such if it were horizonless. 

Freedom in a vacuum is impossible, whereas freedom in a 

void is merely meaningless. 

Avoiding the Void 


Nature has endowed each of us with a capacity for kind feelings: 

we should not squander them on others. 

Dolmance (Sade 48) 

If you want to use all created beings, you have the right to do 

so; for every creature that you use, you drive up into its Origin. 

Heresy of the Free Spirit (Cohn, 1993: 179)


It is difficult to reconcile the concept of virulent nihilism with the 

religious anticipation of a Last Judgment or Kingdom of God. Indeed, 

Linda Grant’s study, Sexing the Millennium, rests on the premise that 

“libertinage is the antithesis of millenarianism” (1993: 39). For Grant 

libertines realize that “only through the body’s pleasure can we feel, 

experience and be,” and consequently they are prepared “to cross 

every known sexual frontier out of a kind of existentialism, an egotism 

that makes them believe they are separate from the rest of humanity” 

(ibid.). This distinction, however, fails to account for the multivalent 

properties of “end-pleasure,” and its proven capacity to attach 

itself to a variety of different ideological positions. Libertinage, and 

specifically Sade himself, represents the point at which millenarianism 

adapts itself to modernity by turning itself inside out while 

retaining its basic shape—all under the guise of a secular rationality. 

In Philosophy in the Bedroom (one of his most “accessible” 

texts), Sade juxtaposes theory and practice, pleasure and pain, sex 

and death, and transgression and transcendence in a narrative that 

is at once didactic and subversive. The innocent and malleable 

Eugenie is initiated into libertine ethics and aesthetics by the experienced 

Dolmance, who teaches her the violent consequences of a 

nonexistent God. Dolmance explains that “virtue is just an illusion 

whose worship causes perpetual suffering in countless transgressions 

of true desire. I ask you: can such denials be natural? Would 

Nature truly advocate that which offends her?” (38). 

Nature is a complex code word in Sade’s semiotic system. In its 

most obvious and superficial sense, “nature” functions as a replacement 

for the deceased Christian God, and is equally wrathful in 

demanding human obedience. Conversely, “nature” functions as yet 

another norm or law to pervert. This is the paradoxical dynamic of 

Sade’s philosophy, and its unresolved energy powers the libidinal 

piston of his excess. As Allen S. Weiss points out, “Nature is that 

which must be transgressed in order to affirm one’s humanity, one’s 

sovereignty; yet that nature can never be transgressed, since we 

are part of it—an impossible dialectic” (1989: 45). 

The most common libertine argument against existing social 

mores is that they transgress the Law of Nature. Sexual excess can 

thus be justified as the transgression of a transgression (which, 

according to the laws of a double negative, cancels itself out). Sade’s 

concept of Nature, however, functions as a philosophical Trojan 

Horse in which to conceal his own missives against Nature; for as a 

consistently transgressive thinker, he abhors all external laws, 

including Nature’s. Sade would certainly have appreciated 

Nietzsche’s rhetorical question: “for how should man force nature to 

yield up her secrets but by successfully resisting her, that is to say, 

by unnatural acts?” (1956: 61).

44 


However, Sade’s valorization of Nature has little in common 

with the philanthropic romanticism of a Jean Jacques Rousseau or 

Wilhelm Reich. 9 On the contrary, since he emphasizes the malevolent 

agenda of Nature’s seemingly insatiable appetite for destruction. 

“Her” hidden agenda is thus revealed to Eugenie during 

Dolmance’s enthusiastic defence of sodomy: 

How absurd to say that this mania offends Nature, when she originates 

it! Would she ordain an action that offends her? Never! . . 

. Propagation persists due to her tolerance. Would she make law 

an act that threatens her omnipotence, given that propagation is 

just a consequence of her primary aims, and that if our race met 

with annihilation she would cast new creations of primordial 

intent, whose perfection would be so much more flattering to her 

pride and power? (66) 

Madame De Saint-Ange replies; “Can you know, Dolmance, that by 

this system you could prove that the total destruction of the human 

race is nothing more than a service to Nature?” (ibid.). 

By interpreting Nature’s “primary aim” as destruction rather 

than creation, Sade calls the bluff of a tradition based firmly on 

anthrocentric optimism. Hence, in a passage that anticipates the 

more radical views of today’s environmentalists, Dolmance says; 

Esteeming ourselves the highest creatures in the universe we stupidly 

assume that every hurt endured by so sublime a being must 

thus be cataclysmic; we have believed that Nature would perish if 

our magnificent species happened to cease to exist; in fact, total 

annihilation of that race would, by returning from our trust the 

creative power lent to us by Nature, reinvigorate her . . . what 

does she care if the human race is wiped from the Earth? (76, 128) 

Such opinions help us to gauge the extent of Sade’s antihumanism. 

Far from contributing to the Enlightenment project, Sade 

is determined to diminish our species’ status as the apex of evolution 

and as Nature’s most noble creation. In his book, Juliette, Sade 

introduces a fictional Pope who dispenses this advice: “So rend 

away, hack and hew, torment, break, wreck, massacre, burn, grind 

to dust, melt . . . . Unable to please her [Mother Nature] by the 

atrocity of a global destruction, at least provide her the pleasure of 

local atrocity” (Airaksinen 63). 

Although Sade is commonly portrayed as an isolated or 

unprecedented monstrosity, his inverted ethical system can be 

detected in the teachings of the medieval Free Spirit, which 

emerged in Europe half a millennium before the marquis. The central 

doctrine of this heresy was the sovereignty of the self. Allowing


one to behave like a god, it led to proto-Sadean maxims such as this: 

“It would be better that the whole world should be destroyed and 

perish utterly that a ‘free man’ should refrain from one act to which 

his nature moves him” (Cohn, 1993: 178). Cohn describes this seminal 

form of nihilism as “an entirely convincing picture of an eroticism 

which, far from springing from a carefree sensuality, possessed 

above all a symbolic value as a sign of spiritual emancipation” 

(ibid.: 150-151). Sade experienced that emancipation only 

through his writings. 

In provocative contrast to the most basic of civilized ideals, 

Sade thus asks; “Who could deem our race so important that anyone 

failing to seek its continuance is a common criminal?” (128). It is not 

surprising that disciples of the Free Spirit were executed as 

heretics, and that Sade was incarcerated by both sides of the political 

spectrum, for no philosophy of the social can tolerate the recommendation 

to “form or destroy as thou wilt at thy ease,” because 

“tomorrow’s sun shall rise just the same” (65). Sade’s utopia is society’s 

dystopia, a hellish no-place that contests both nature and culture. 

Sade thus unmasks human hubris, whether directed toward 

God (metaphysics) or Nature (physics). Both forces are vengeful, 

and ultimately destroy their own creations. In a chilling precursor 

to the personal apocalyptic agenda of today’s extreme millenarians, 

Dolmance insists that “we are but the blind instruments of her 

impulses; were she to bid us set fire to the very universe, our only 

possible crime would be in not obeying” (181). 

Sade realized (long before Charles Darwin, Nietzsche, and 

Jean Paul Sartre) the consequences for human freedom if God 

turned out to be an illusion. For if so, we would be liberated from 

the abstract but vengeful justice of the Last Judgment. After the 

death of God, our experience of the world becomes profoundly finite 

and mortal. And yet our sovereign mandate is to “appropriate the 

organic flow” (Nuttall 72). A fleeting transcendence is therefore possible, 

according to Sade, but only through playing god ourselves, in 

a solipsistic process of objectification, violation and transgression. 

In his study Of Glamor, Sex and De Sade, Timo Airaksinen 

reminds us of Sade’s influence on so-called decadent literature, in 

that his “ethics and utopian speculations can be understood as a 

rebellion against nature from within, by means of artificial constructions” 

(1991: 56): 

Pleasure, which is nature’s vengeance, is transformed into reaction 

towards nature: the intolerably uncontrollable sensual irritation 

is directed against innocent victims via pain and mental 

anguish. But this presupposes mastery over what is natural. The 

result is a skillfully built artificial world . . . . The human devel-

46 


opment is from scavenger to avenger to predator. It leads from 

shit, through murder and torture, towards orgasms. Coprophilia, 

necrophilia, and nothingness illustrate the three stages of man’s 

cosmic fate. (50) 

Pleasure is thus “a cycle of sensual, cerebral and orgasmic stages, 

where the middle point is artificial and thus independent of nature” 

(47). Sade is dependent on morality (and ultimately “the natural”) 

because he needs such constraints in order to transgress them. His 

orgies are not chaotic explosions of Eros, but highly stylized and 

organized arrangements that often end in death. Desire becomes a 

mechanical product. “If sexual activity mirrors the chaos of true 

nature,” observes John Walker, “Sade’s libertines proceed to render 

the act distinctly un-natural, each Dionysian transgression generating 

more Apollonian verbalizing.” Or as Bataille succinctly puts 

it, Sade “starts from an attitude of utter irresponsibility and ends 

with one of stringent self-control” (1986: 174-175). 

Sade’s pleasure is thus circular and temporary, for “after its consummation 

nothing remains” (Airaksinen 90). The transcendence 

achieved by the marquis’s monstrous characters occurs inside, and 

not beyond, the shattered limits (ibid.: x). In stark contrast to the 

Bible, Sade’s writings do not teach us how to avoid the void, but rather 

how to revel in it: “shower my smoking heart with wilder perversions; 

then witness how I hurl myself headlong into the abyss!” (123). 

Sade’s most fundamental premise rests on humanity’s ambiguous 

relationship to Nature, as both its “blind instrument” and conscious 

perverter. As his Juliette says, “Man is in no wise Nature’s dependent 

. . . [but] her froth, her precipitated residue” (Walker). Herein 

lies our alienation, that is, our consciously mediated relationship 

with its unconscious rhythms. Anticipating Bataille’s definition of 

eroticism, Dolmance asks, “are we not born solitary, isolated?” (138). 

In Sade’s writings, however, the gulf that separates one person from 

an other effectively breaks any emotive or moral conductivity 

between human beings. Pity, compassion, and empathy are illusions 

imposed in the interests of social unity and Christian hegemony. 

From this Sade derives his basic ethical tenet: “why then should we 

go easy on an individual who feels one thing while we feel another?” 

(96). 

This solipsistic philosophy is capable of absorbing even the 

shock waves of homicide by interpreting such an act as merely fulfilling 

the wishes of Nature. Imagine a defense lawyer trying to convince 

a jury that “murder does not destroy; he who commits it merely 

alters forms, giving back to Nature those elements from which 

that skilled artisan instantly sculpts other beings” (76). Again we


see the nexus between mortality and morality. Since there is no God 

to condemn and punish, there is no reason to refrain. 

In contrast to the homogenizing or (ultimately) democratizing 

tendencies of Nature, however, Sade’s textual universe sustains a 

hierarchy headed by the libertine. For while Sade suggests that we 

should mimic the destructive forces of nature, he offers an escape 

route for those who believe that such an ethic should not be turned 

against themselves: “if a person understands the meaning of the 

principle correctly, he can destroy without being destroyed. In this 

way the principle offers a justificatory argument for the wicked person, 

and shows him a way out of the maelstrom of meaningless suffering 

and death” (Airaksinen 53). 

This “way out” (which, incidentally, is the motive behind all 

millenarianism, whether or not it is explicitly libidinal) is the point 

where transgression spills into transcendence, and—just as importantly 

with Sade—vice versa. “Perhaps the most important lesson 

to learn,” writes Airaksinen, 

is that pleasure must be understood as transcendence, as the 

crossing of limits so that one enters the void where all is permissible, 

nothing matters, and nothing can be achieved. Only through 

crime is transcendence transformed into transgression, the feeling 

of the total void . . . . Ethics is not concerned with such a void; 

on the contrary, it is concerned with a careful redefinition of 

things, and their social control . . . . Good aims are well-defined, 

and therefore [to Sade] they are not worthwhile. Evil things, on 

the other hand, are incomprehensible, and thus are pleasant like 

orgasm, or the jump into the void. (67—my emphasis) 

Libertinage is accordingly for Grant, “an erotic politics for the 

end of a millennium when you believe that there will not be another 

thousand years . . . . It leads to death; why not? Everything 

else does” (39). This explains why, in our age of AIDS, terrorism and 

nuclear weapons, the writings and (usually diluted) practices of the 

“divine marquis” are enjoying a renaissance in the Western metropolis. 

Absence of faith in the existence and durability of a person’s 

soul is all that distinguishes Sade from traditional millenarians. 

Airaksinen agrees that “the Christian flagellant . . . is not far 

from the Sadean libertine. Both reach for personal transcendence 

through pain and blood. Both also deny the necessity of the mediating 

role of the church between themselves and their God” (176). 

Sade thus seeks a deeper truth in the orgasm, which—when 

combined with murder—inflates the petite mort into a grande mort. 

Witness Eugenie’s oft-echoed climactic cry, “I can bear it no longer! 

Ah, I’m dying!” or Dolmance’s less decorous, “Christ’s shit, I perish! 

I expire! The graveworms chitter through” (34, 111). By the end of

48 


the narrative, Eugenie shows that she has been indoctrinated completely 

into libertinism by announcing her orgasm with the words, 

“that’s it, I’m annihilated” (151). Land insists that “the little death is 

not merely a simulacrum or sublimation of a big one,” but rather “a 

corruption that leaves the bilateral architecture of life and death in 

tatters” (191). Within such libidinal blueprints we discern the “particular 

scaling of death that is close to Sade, a numerical hypertrophy 

that tips orgy into massacre” (ibid.: 194). 

Sade’s elitism also sanctions his basic distinction between libertine-master 

and innocent victim. Death is experienced only vicariously 

by the former, through the murder of the Other. If, as Land 

believes, the only possibility of redemption is through self-annihilation 

(15), then the libertine privileges survival above ultimate transcendence. 

In Bataille’s language, the Sadean subject clings to his 

discontinuity. The libertine’s orgasm—despite Land’s lyrical assertion 

to the contrary—is only a simulation of death, and thus conforms 

to the trajectory of the “thanatic asymptote.” 

Eroticism and the Thanatic Asymptote 

Eroticism is in time what the tiger is in space. 

Bataille (1988: 11–12) 

The works of Bataille take their cue from the work of the Marquis 

de Sade, often reading like sustained footnotes to the libertine challenge. 

Pornographic literature (or “pornology” as Deleuze prefers) 

was favored by these compatriots as the most appropriate medium 

in which to express the horrors of existence, especially those that 

modernity consistently attempts to either obscure or exorcise. A significant 

portion of their work explores and strengthens links 

between the “little death” of orgasm and the “big death” of the 

organism, for both agree that “we can only reach a state of ecstasy 

when we are conscious of death or annihilation, even if remotely” 

(Bataille, 1986: 267). 

Although the philosophical meridian-shadow of Freud separates 

their respective writings, they share an obsession with the 

death-drive and its expression in erotic encounters. Sade would certainly 

support Bataille’s claim that “the feeling of elemental violence 

. . . kindles every manifestation of eroticism. In essence, the 

domain of eroticism is the domain of violence, of violation” (ibid.: 16).


Bataille’s philosophical study, Erotism (1986), subscribes to 

Sade’s vision of the world as a primordial vortex from which Nature 

sculpts creations earmarked for destruction. However, his depiction 

of human behavior within this secular framework departs from the 

marquis’s philosophy at certain significant moments. For while 

Bataille seeks a nihilistic sovereignty, he does not propose a solipsistic 

model of behavior in God’s absence. Instead he emphasizes 

the quasi-mystical urge for fusion and continuity—or, in psychoanalytic 

terms—the unconscious desire to return to dead matter. 

Unlike Sade, Bataille believes that “man achieves his inner 

experience at the instant when bursting out of the chrysalis he feels 

that he is tearing himself, not tearing something outside that 

resists him” (ibid.: 39—my emphasis). Thus, while Bataille considers 

violence to be an inherent aspect of the erotic, he sees it as 

focused on the self (through subjective perception) rather than projected 

outward onto a victim. 10 This is not to say that the erotic 

object is never sacrificed for pleasure, or that power is distributed 

equally between the partners. What it means, is that erotic interaction 

is not inherently hierarchical. Nor is it orchestrated by a sovereign 

subject determined to survive the experience (as is the case 

in Sadean narrative). For Bataille, the erotic is equally dangerous 

territory for all involved. 

“What does physical eroticism signify,” he asks, “if not a violation 

of the very being of its practitioners?—a violation bordering on 

death, bordering on murder?” (ibid.: 17). This “border” is crucial in 

Bataille’s philosophy, kinetically charged with the potential of its 

crossing. In Sade’s textual universe, the border of murder is crossed 

only by the Other: the orgasm of the libertine functions as a spasm 

of evil empathy, a souvenir recovered from a fatal journey. Bataille 

seems to concur when stating that “If you die, it is not my death” 

(ibid.: 12). The libertine, however, dies only the metaphoric death of 

orgasm, verbalizing and externalizing it. Bataille’s system permits 

more room for hesitation, resistance, and ambivalence—more foreplay 

between Eros and Thanatos. 

Eroticism is the field in which “discontinuous beings” play out 

their nostalgia for continuity. According to this tradition, from the 

moment we are born our conscious individuality wrenches us out of 

the “continuity” of the universe. We become discontinuous beings 

who yearn for our former state. As the decadent writer Marcel 

Schwob puts it, 

The soul of the female lover wishes to dwell in the beautiful body 

of the one which she loves, and the soul of the male lover ardently 

desires to dissolve itself in the substance of his mistress. Alas, 

that exchange is never attained. The souls climb up to the lover’s

50 


lips; they meet one another; they mingle with one another . . . 

but they cannot migrate. (Stableford, 1992: 284) 

Between one human being and another there exists “a gulf, a discontinuity” 

that can never be crossed; “nevertheless we can experience 

its dizziness together” (Bataille, 1986: 12-13). This dizziness is 

the erotic experience. Thus, “erotic activity, by dissolving the separate 

beings that participate in it, reveals their fundamental continuity, 

like the waves of a stormy sea” (ibid.: 22). 

In a different metaphor, Bataille describes sexual union as a 

“half-way house between life and death” (ibid.: 168). So while sex is 

the biological urge to procreate, eroticism is the venting of metaphysical 

frustration that accompanies the same act. This should not 

be confused, however, with nineteenth-century romantic notions 

such as the Siren song or Valkyrie, for death is certainly no passive 

and serene return to Mother Nature’s womb. Death is the most violent 

thing of all, for it “jerks us out of a tenacious obsession with the 

lastingness of our discontinuous being” (ibid.: 16). Erotic activity 

thus initiates a partial dissolution of the subject. 

Although Bataille defines eroticism as assenting to life up to 

the point of death, this does not imply, “up to, and including, 

death.” (Sade’s particular sacrilege was his attempt to turn the 

“aura of death,” which constitutes the erotic, into actuality.) Instead 

of tracing the outline of an absent God, Bataillean eroticism follows 

the movement of what I call the “thanatic asymptote”: the seemingly 

endless approach of the death-drive. The pull of our (unconscious) 

obsession with this primal continuity is accompanied by the 

“tormenting desire that this evanescent thing should last” (ibid.: 

15). Part of us seeks self-destruction, while the other advocates selfpreservation 

in the hope that this “evanescent thing”—the flickering 

flame of our individual existence and experience—will continue 

in its isolation. If we can’t have life-after-death we seek death-within-life. 

Eroticism then becomes simply our flirtation with death. 

Paul Virilio provides us with a useful metaphor of eroticism 

when he describes the sensation of bungee-jumping into the void: 

“the ultimate getting off, anticipating a near death experience” 

(1995: 93). During such an experience, we do not want a safety net, 

for this would diminish the rush of our adrenaline-inducing vertigo; 

yet we do not want to remain there, either, for we soon feel sick. 

We want to experience “It” momentarily and then be yanked back 

to safety. This is the thanatic asymptote. In lovemaking, as our bodies 

cleave together in a grotesque and pathetic attempt at fusion, 

we actively court oblivion, only to panic and cling to the life buoy of 

our individuality. Like a mathematical asymptote, we attempt to 

get closer to the line, yet never actually cross it. In Saint Theresa’s


words, “I die because I cannot die” (Bataille, 1986: 240). 

Of course people frequently do cross this line, and not only in 

the writings of Sade. However, when this particular transgression 

occurs, the tension that produces eroticism snaps, leaving only sex 

crimes or accidental suicides from onanistic experiments. In terms 

of our flirtation with death, however, we end up teasing only ourselves, 

for the Reaper is as patient as he is indifferent. 

Eroticism thus consists in the violent juxtaposition of the “rupture 

of discontinuity” with the “rapture of continuity” (ibid.: 104). 

This is a metapsychological process that incorporates—perhaps 

even defines—the religious. For if eroticism simulates that dynamic 

disharmony that lies at the heart of religious experience, then 

“the Christian religion is possibly the least religious of them all” in 

its rejection of the sensual body (ibid.: 32). (Not to mention its individualistic 

and discontinuous vision of heaven.) However—in a neat 

twist—the Christian notion of sin increases the sense of shame, 

which Bataille believes gives birth to eroticism. This enables 

Christianity to be actively anti-erotic while creating the conditions 

under which eroticism flourishes; as any fan of the pop-star 

Madonna could tell you. Transgression thus reveals what 

Christianity attempts to conceal, namely that “the sacred and the 

forbidden are one, [and] that the sacred can be reached through the 

violence of a broken taboo” (ibid.: 126). 

The experience of transgressing religious and social taboos 

provokes a crisis in the subject that is incapable of distinguishing 

between pleasure and anguish. Since the commonest taboos relate 

to sex and death, both have become sacred matters through religion. 

Indeed Bataille tells us that “transgression does not deny the 

taboo but transcends it and completes it” (ibid.: 63): 

If we view the primary taboos as the refusal laid down by the individual 

to co-operate with nature regarded as a squandering of living 

energy and an orgy of annihilation we can no longer differentiate 

between death and sexuality. Sexuality and death are simply 

the culminating points of the holiday nature celebrates with the 

inexhaustible multitude of living beings, both of them signifying 

the boundless wastage of nature’s resources as opposed to the urge 

to live on characteristic of every living creature. (ibid.: 61) 

According to this logic, wastage and loss are thus something to 

celebrate. The self is experienced as loss, in a squandering of its 

own values. In symbolic opposition to the Christian and capitalistic 

fetish of accumulation, Bataille offers a potlatch of the spirit (not to 

be confused with the soul). Bataille’s writings attempt to transcend 

the blind will of nature, while shedding the illusion that such transcendence 

will last any longer than an instant. Transgression is

52 

thus an incarnation of the impulse to make order out of chaos: “By 

introducing transcendence into an organized world, transgression 

becomes a principle of an organized disorder” (ibid.: 119). As a 

transgression indistinguishable from Chidester’s “experiential 

transcendence,” Bataille’s orgasm seeks to incorporate death within 

life in order to surpass it. 

Bataille, like Sade, is at pains to ensure that transgression is 

not interpreted as either a “back-to-nature” instinct or the return of 

our latent or repressed animality. This would be to mistake intangible 

experience for anatomy, because physical sexuality relates to 

eroticism in the same way that the brain relates to the mind: 

In the human sphere sexual activity has broken away from animal 

simplicity. It is in essence a transgression, not, after the taboo, a 

return to primitive freedom. Transgression belongs to humanity 

given shape by the business of work. Transgression itself is organized. 

Eroticism as a whole is an organized activity, and this is why 

it changes over the years. (ibid.: 108) 

Bataille’s definition of eroticism thus develops historically, 

anticipating Herbert Marcuse’s belief in placing the sexual act at 

the basis of the social edifice. However, Bataille resists liberalhumanist 

applications by insisting that “if transgression is impossible, 

then profanation takes its place. Degradation, which turns 

eroticism into something foul and horrible, is better than the neutrality 

of reasonable and nondestructive behaviour” (ibid.: 140). 

This view is championed today by “libidinal materialists” (Land 

xxi) such as Michel Mafessoli, Norman O. Brown, and Land. 

Bataille’s nature, like Sade’s, is a vortex of destruction. It 

demands that we crash headlong into our ruin. For Bataille, 

“humanity became possible at the instant when, seized by an insurmountable 

dizziness, man tried to answer ‘No’” (1986: 62). ‘No,’ 

however, is the hallmark of death (Brown, 1990: 252), and so the 

more we say it, the less we escape from it. In such a logical 

labyrinth, our only alternative is to adopt Nietzsche’s strategy in 

saying “Yes” to whatever the universe hurls at us. As a result, feeble 

mortal negation gives way to a powerful Dionysian affirmation. 

Nietzsche’s Dionysus 


I assess the value of people, of races, according to how nec-


essarily they are unable to separate the god from the satyr. 

Nietzsche (1979: 58) 

Reality is never anything but a sector of the imaginary field in 

which we have accepted the renunciation . . . of our fantasms 

of desire. 

Jean-François Lyotard (1964: 284) 

In one of his earliest published works, The Birth of Tragedy (1872), 

Nietzsche employs the Dionysian/Apollonian distinction to analyze 

the tragic and noble cultural climate of the Hellenic golden age. He 

does so while simultaneously berating the present state of his 

German contemporaries. In his final complete work, Ecce Homo 

(1888), Nietzsche continued to champion the Dionysian spirit—calling 

himself the last disciple of the philosopher Dionysus. 11 

Nietzsche’s career is thus bookended by excursions into the 

Dionysian. While a great deal of philosophical terrain had been covered 

in the sixteen years separating these two works (in which 

Nietzsche’s notion of Dionysus went through some subtle changes), 

his working definition of this deity remained remarkably consistent. 

Dionysus and Apollo represent two antagonistic life forces or 

artistic principles: one rational, moral, and idealistic; the other 

irrational, amoral, and realistic. Dionysus is a musical god who 

exults in the flux of dissolution, whereas Apollo represents the plastic 

arts, imposing form and order on the chaotic realm of Nature. 

Above all, Dionysus symbolizes “the extreme limit of affirmation” 

(Nietzsche, 1979: 79). 

The Christian God for Nietzsche represents “the low-water 

mark in the descending development of divine types. God degenerated 

into the contradiction of life, instead of being its transfiguration 

and eternal Yes! God as the declaration of war against life, 

against nature, against the will to live! . . . deification of nothingness, 

the will to nothingness pronounced holy!” (1982: 585-586). 

Nietzsche offers Dionysus as the alternative to Christianity— 

the anti-Christ. The intoxicating laughter of Dionysus in fact prefigures 

Bataille’s “practice of joy before death,” (Pefanis 46), a project 

of self-overcoming rather than self-preservation. The philosophical 

embodiment of Dionysus in the late nineteenth century is thus 

an eruption of the pagan life force, the return of the libido, which 

for two millennia had been suffocated by the body-hating teachings 

of “monotonotheism” (1982: 586). For Nietzsche, as for James 

Joyce’s Molly Bloom, “pagans are all those who say Yes to life, for 

whom god is the word for the great Yes to all things” (ibid.: 641).

54 


Nietzsche thus anticipates Foucault’s point that the soul has 

been the prison of the body, and not the other way around, as traditional 

asceticism would have us believe: “The preaching of chastity is 

a public incitement to anti-nature. Every expression of contempt for 

the sexual life, every befouling of it through the concept “impure,” 

is the crime against life—is the intrinsic sin against the holy spirit 

of life” (1979: 77). 

This sits easily with Sade’s views on how Christianity stifles 

sexuality. And like Bataille, Nietzsche is not content simply to do 

away with the sacred. Instead he aims to show that the Christian 

version of sacrality is debased and impoverished. These “protonihilists” 

are thus not antireligious, for their writings form part of a 

search for the pantheistic legacy of the pagans. Nietzsche refused 

to reduce the sacred to such shopworn concepts as “the sublime,” 

“the metaphysical,” “the ideal,” and “the infinite” (Weiss, 133). 

Transcendence is considered a valid goal, so long as its ephemeral 

qualities are understood and appreciated. 

Dionysus is born from the “superfluity of life” (Nietzsche, 

1979: 81). He is a symbol of that entropy or erosion that the 

Apollonian impulse of self-preservation must constantly, not to 

mention vainly, counteract. Assuming that a form of ressentiment 

accompanies the subject’s entry into temporal consciousness (i.e., 

the knowledge that we have to die sooner or later), then a 

Dionysian consciousness renounces such a vendetta against the 

ravenous appetite of time. Since we have no way of persuading 

Saturn to refrain from eating his children, we may as well turn his 

meal into a feast of Caligulan proportions. 

Nietzsche speaks of the Dionysian rapture, “whose closest 

analogy is furnished by physical intoxication” (1956: 22). However, 

Dionysian excess (in contrast to 1960s’ interpretations of it) is not 

the motive for drunken hedonism, but instead represents the 

impulse to “tear aside the veil that conceals the abyss at the heart 

of reality” (Gillespie 208). (This is the same impulse, let us not forget, 

behind The Revelation of St. John, and affirms the libidinal 

thrust of apocalyptic rhetoric.) 

Dionysian rapture is a form of transcendence in stark contrast 

to the mode of escape envisaged by the saints. It serves as the basis 

of an unflinching attempt to surpass the trivialities of the self: “A 

spirit thus emancipated stands in the midst of the universe with a 

joyful and trusting fatalism, in the faith that only what is separate 

and individual may be rejected, that in the totality everything is 

redeemed and affirmed—he no longer denies” (Nietzsche, 1979: 13). 

In an insight that obviously influenced Bataille, Nietzsche 

writes; “It is as though in these Greek festivals a sentimental trait 

of nature were coming to the fore, as though nature were bemoan-


ing the fact of her fragmentation, her decomposition into separate 

individuals” (1956: 27). This drive toward unification functions 

throughout Nietzsche’s writings, wearing different masks as the 

Overman, Zarathustra, the Antichrist, the will to power or 

Dionysus himself. 

Nietzsche believed that the Greeks were capable of comprehending 

the unbearable nature of Dionysian reality only if it was tempered 

by an Apollonian frame or focus, which created the illusion that for 

a moment we control—or at least can distil for our pleasure—the 

abysmal core of existence. In The Birth of Tragedy, Nietzsche 

explains how Hellenic drama was a sublime “neurosis arising from 

health, from the youthful condition of the race” (1872: 8). Tragedy 

is thus “a concrete manifestation of Dionysiac conditions, music 

made visible, an ecstatic dreamworld” (89). Through this unlikely 

(if not impossible) partnership between Apollo and Dionysus, the 

Greeks experienced tragic emotion momentarily, and felt they had 

solved the enigma of existence. 

Dionysian wisdom is thus equivalent to Bataille’s erotic 

epiphany, which also fails to end discontinuity, although it allows “this 

fractured unity to shine forth out of the individual” (Gillespie 209): 

For a brief moment we become, ourselves, the primal Being, and 

we experience its insatiable hunger for existence. Now we see the 

struggle, the pain, the destruction of appearances, as necessary, 

because of the constant proliferation of forms pushing into life, 

because of the extravagant fecundity of the world will. We feel the 

furious prodding of this travail in the very moment in which we 

become one with the immense lust for life and are made aware of 

the eternity and indestructibility of that lust. Pity and terror 

notwithstanding, we realize our great good fortune in having life 

– not as individuals, but as part of the life force with whose procreative 

lust we have become one. (Neitzsche: 102-103) 

For Nietzsche, this rendering of the “world will” is a supreme 

aesthetic achievement, which two millennia of Christian degeneracy 

and enforced amnesia have made us no longer capable of. In 

Hellenic tragedy the “great Dionysian question mark” (ibid.: 13) 

was bent into an exclamation mark for a fleeting moment by the 

power of the playwright, only to spring back into its natural shape 

at the end of the performance. (Nietzsche, however, would soon lose 

interest in Apollo, along with the romantic humanism he represents. 

He came to see Apollo as not only a reactive force that tries 

to deny the power of Dionysus, but as part of the great Germanic- 

Christian conspiracy against life.)

56 


Already, in The Birth of Tragedy, Nietzsche singles out Christian 

morality as the “will to deny life, a secret instinct of destruction, a 

principle of calumny, a reductive agent – the beginning of the end?” 

(11). As he explains, his “vital instincts turned against ethics and 

founded a radical counter-doctrine, slanted aesthetically, to oppose 

the Christian libel on life. But it still wanted a name . . . I christened 

it rather arbitrarily – for who can tell the real name of the 

Antichrist?—the name of a Greek god, Dionysos” (ibid.). 

In “christening” his philosophy thus, Nietzsche created his own 

eschatology, appropriating the historical figure of the Antichrist for 

his own Armageddon, which awaits the final demise of Christ 

rather than his return. Nietzsche speculated that nihilism would 

blossom during the next 200 years (1888-2088): “This period will be 

characterized by three great affects, disgust, pity, and a lust for 

destruction, which will produce the catastrophe that will usher in a 

thousand-year Dionysian Reich” (Gillespie 181). Here we see 

Nietzsche in his millenarian prophet mode, which influenced Adolf 

Hitler more in tone than in content. 

Nietzsche, however, is notorious for those inconsistencies and 

incoherences that are now identified as distinctive features of 

transgressive writing. However, one contradiction in particular 

resists reconciliation: although Nietzsche hated “every kind of temporal 

expectation and promise” (1982: 604), he personally anticipated 

a cultural turning point of millennial proportions. 

Consequently, at one moment he laments the life-strangling notion 

of a Last Judgment, and at another triumphantly claims that “all 

that is now called culture, education, civilization will one day have 

to appear before the incorruptible judge, Dionysos” (1956: 120). It 

seems that the sticking point is not judgment itself, but who is 

doing the judging. 

Despite his fear that one day he would be pronounced holy, 

Nietzsche aimed his emotive rhetoric at the familiar rhetorical terrain 

of apocalyptic end-time scenarios: 

This plenitude and sequence of breakdown, destruction, ruin, and 

cataclysm that is now impending—who could guess enough of it 

today to be compelled to play the teacher and advance proclaimer 

of this monstrous logic of terror, the prophet of a gloom and eclipse 

of the sun whose like has probably never yet occurred on earth? 

(Gillespie xi-xii) 

Indeed Nietzsche—usually more original than this—subscribes 

to the millenarian motif of anticipating a thousand-year 

period of truth that would herald the consummation of a Dionysian 

empire. The young Nietzsche believed that this imminent kingdom 

was presaged in the tragic and turgid strains of Wagner’s music:


And yet there have been indications that the German spirit is still 

alive, and marvelously alive, like a knight who sleeps his enchanted 

sleep and dreams far underground. From out of these depths a 

Dionysian song rises, letting us know that this German knight in his 

austere enchantment is still dreaming of the age-old Dionysian myth 

. . . . One day the knight will awaken, in all the morning freshness 

of his long sleep. He will slay dragons, destroy the cunning dwarfs, 

rouse Brünnhilde, and not even Wotan’s spear will be able to bar his 

way. (1956: 144) 

Such prophecies are often the rallying cries of those wishing to 

excite and organize people in the interests of a nationalistic agenda. 

Indeed, Norman Cohn’s classic study of millenarianism (1993) 

exhaustively demonstrates that eschatological speculations are 

never free from political content or consequences. Nietzsche clearly 

saw it as his responsibility—as Dionysus’ last disciple—to 

announce and usher in this age. Thus, against John’s Revelation he 

posited his own revaluation (Umwertung aller Werte)—a sweeping 

de- and reconstruction of values that was to have apocalyptic consequences: 

“I swear to you that in two years we shall have the 

whole earth in convulsions” (1979: 11). 

While Nietzsche’s apocalypse may not have been biblically 

spectacular, its tremors continue to be felt on the seismograph of 

political entropy, cultural nihilism and, other maladies covered 

by the diagnosis “postmodernity” (see Geoff Waite’s Nietzsche’s 

Corps/e (1996) for a reading of Nietzsche’s plaguelike influence 

over the present). Indeed, toward the end of Ecce Homo (1888), 

Nietzsche’s identification with the Dionysian Antichrist is almost 

complete: “For when truth steps into battle with the lie of millennia 

we shall have convulsions, an earthquake spasm, a transposition 

of valley and mountain such as has never been dreamed 

of” (127). 

Nihilism and the Thirst for Annihilation 

What? You search? You would multiply yourself by ten, by a 

hundred? You seek followers? Seek zeros! 

Nietzsche (1982a: 468) 

When we speak it rattles like a jagged stone in our throats. 

A little over two millennia ago we began to cough up strange 

new words with our blood and bile, and in certain quarters

58 


the excruciation of libido began to be called “philosophy.” 

Land (152) 

The word nihilism has had many different and sometimes contradictory 

meanings. Modern history, as interpreted by Nietzsche, is 

the story of how a dominant nihilism—identified variously as 

Christianity, capitalism, or humanism—becomes globalized. The 

fact that nihilism treats all transcendence as inherently transitory 

results in a massive renegotiation concerning notions such as 

“freedom” and “meaning.” 

Nihilism can be either active or passive, and Land explains the 

difference succinctly: “passive nihilism is the zero of religion, whilst 

active nihilism is the religion of zero” (145). While Sade, Bataille, and 

Nietzsche exemplify the latter, Arthur Schopenhauer and the media 

caricature of “Generation X” afford us a glimpse of the former. 

Land evokes the nihilistic worldview as it pertains to the subject: 

Life is ejected from the energy-blank and smeared as a crust upon 

chaotic zero, a mould upon death. This crust is also a maze—a 

complex exit back to the energy base-line—and the complexity of 

the maze is life trying to escape from out of itself, being nothing 

but escape from itself, from which it tries to escape: maze-wanderer. 

That is to say, life is itself the maze of its route to death; a 

tangle of mazings which trace a unilateral deviation from blank. 

(47) 

It is no surprise that such a perspective has been silenced, persecuted, 

ignored, and derided by all sides of the political spectrum. 

Nihilism does not encourage the mental foundation needed to support 

such social utilities as elections, telethons, or cake-stalls. 

Although passive nihilism is less confrontational and antagonistic, 

it carries a similar socially corrosive effect (as illustrated by the 

young Woody Allen in Annie Hall, who refused to do his homework 

“because the universe is breaking up”). Nietzsche, however, had no 

time for its accompanying apathy. 

For centuries the notion of immortality has been used as a 

deterrant to those who would stray from the flock, serving as a 

backdrop to the corrective corridors of hell. As Nietzsche reminds 

us, “the concepts beyond, Last Judgement, immortality of the soul 

and soul itself are instruments of torture, systems of cruelties by 

virtue of which the priest became master” (1982: 612). Eternity is a 

loaded concept, for its value depends wholly on either the promise 

of eternal bliss or the threat of eternal punishment. Instead of the 

heavenly “forever,” Nietzsche posits the ethical hypothesis of an


“eternal return” on earth. 

If we remind ourselves that Dionysus is the prophetic god of 

coming, then we can see the libidinal subtext of Nietzsche’s concept, 

whereby the Eternal Return (Ewige Wiederkunft des Gleichen) 

translates more accurately as the Eternal Recoming (Kunft deriving 

from the word kommen, “to come”) (Waite 323). This extremely 

complex philosophical metaphor is open to many conflicting interpretations. 

Yet the eternal return is akin to what Land calls “the 

abortion of transcendence” (143), since it actively denies the presumption 

of an Afterlife. If people are confronted with infinite repetition 

(as in Harold Ramis’s Hollywood-Nietzschean fable 

Groundhog’s Day) then the emotional luxury of regret becomes 

superfluous. It is thus up to the individual to turn such existential 

restrictions into their own heaven or hell. 

Consequently, Nietzsche believes that Christianity is best 

understood as that which worships “the inverse values to those 

which alone could guarantee it prosperity [and] the exalted right to 

a future” (ibid.: 34). We must become strong enough to bestow this 

right on ourselves, for it is not simply given us by divine authority. 

The future is that realm in which the liberated mind is free to enjoy 

“further experimentation, a continuation of the fluid state of values, 

testing, choosing, criticizing values in infinitum” (1982: 644). 

Christianity cannot tolerate such indeterminacy, which is why it 

erects two ideological walls against it: 

one, revelation, the claim that the reason in these laws is not of 

human origin, not sought and found slowly and after many errors, 

but of divine origin and hence whole, perfect, without history, a 

gift, a miracle, merely communicated. Then, tradition, the claim 

that the law has existed since time immemorial and that it would 

be irreverent, a crime against one’s forefathers, to raise any doubt 

against it. The authority of the law is founded on the theses: God 

gave it, the forefathers lived it. (ibid.) 

“What did God give man revelation for?”(ibid.: 641), asks 

Nietzsche—meaning why did we give it to ourselves, and why did 

we decided to narrate history as a story foretold? While a fatalistic 

conclusion is essential in Nietzsche’s beloved Greek tragedy, its aesthetic 

mandate does not translate to the historical realm. As Land 

points out, “it is precisely because history has made no sense that 

we have learned from it, and the lesson remains a brutal one” (155). 

Nietzsche loathed the limitations associated with telic discourses, 

which is why he placed Socialists in the same despicable 

category as Christians. (As Nietzsche would say, revelation and revolution: 

that rhymes, that does not only rhyme.) The “revaluation” 

of Ecce Homo thus counterbalances the combined weight of revela-

60 


tion and revolution: “The purpose of history, guided by genealogy, is 

not to discover the roots of our identity but to commit itself to its dissipation” 

(Weiss, 63). Only the Dionysian disciple possesses the kind 

of subjectivity strong enough to rejoice in such dissipation, and to 

revel in nihilistic freedom: “The problem I thus pose is not what 

shall succeed mankind in the sequence of living beings (man is an 

end), but what type of man shall be bred, shall be willed, for being 

higher in value, worthier of life, more certain of a future” (1982: 

570). 

The magnification of man is thus offered as a way of transcending 

the emasculating effects of the nihilistic. Hence 

Nietzsche’s urgent quest for the Overman, the equivalent of 

Brahmanic consciousness in his heavily gendered spiritual castesystem. 

Such an elitist quest—whether initiated by Nietzsche or 

Hitler—is a final and desperate bid to halt the corrosive march of 

modernity. That antiapocalyptic historical consciousness that nurtured 

the quest for the Overman prompts Land to announce that 

only since Nietzsche has our history come to seem (imminently) 

terminal (134). 

In summary, Sade, Nietzsche, and Bataille figure the limen of death 

as a wall rather than as a door or bridge. Death stands as a provocation. 

But instead of waiting for the assistance of divine ascension 

to see over it, they crash headlong through it. Against the humanism 

of secular modernity, Sade valorized artifice over Nature, and 

chronicled an apocalyptic form of sexual nihilism. Bataille then 

adapted Sade’s libidinal language to a more fusional and selfdestructive 

model, so that eroticism came to signify humanity’s 

sense of discontinuity, and its flirtation with death. Given that the 

“thanatic asymptote” follows the same historical and ideological arc 

as libidinal millenarianism itself—always approaching but never 

actually arriving—we can see how these writers contributed to the 

apocalyptic climate of the twentieth century. 

The philosophies of Sade, Bataille, and Nietzsche were all fabricated 

in times of perceived crisis or ending: the Terror, the 

Holocaust, the fin de siècle. Whereas Sade and Bataille wished to 

push the orgy to its apocalyptic conclusion, Nietzsche used it more 

as a symbolic springboard for his own brand of libidinal millenarianism, 

namely, that reevaluation of all values which saturates 

twentieth-century discourses of the self and society. 

Bataille, Nietzsche, and Sade all cut through the Grand 

Narratives of modernity in order to expose its collusion with 

Christian moral systems. Contemporary theorists such as Weiss, 

Land and Lyotard classify their works as symptomatic of “libidinal 

aesthetics,” and group them variously with Pierre Klossowski,


Maurice Blanchot, Raymond Roussel, Louis Ferdinand Céline, 

Antonin Artaud and others. Their writing is not the legitimate 

model of a reflective author sculpting “his” life into a coherent narrative, 

but rather the site of a visceral outpouring of the repressed, 

denied, profane, and unclean. 

Transgression does not seek merely to reverse or balance the 

dissymmetry of an enforced order, but also to dissolve the authority 

of “progress” in a gesture of joy, despair, and defiance. That such a 

project is reminiscent of both deconstruction and some versions of 

poststructuralism should not surprise us, for Sade, Nietzsche, and 

Bataille have had a major influence on the intellectual development 

of more contemporary prophets such as Lacan, Derrida, Deleuze, 

Blanchot, and Foucault. 

Foucault’s later writings, however, attempt to rectify the failure 

of Bataille, Nietzsche, and Sade to complete the spiral back into 

the Apollonian, “a movement crucial for the critique of our present 

episteme” (Walker). These writers 

remain semi-immersed in deadly Dionysian nature, the “society of 

blood” characteristic of the pre-enlightenment age. As a result, 

though “subversive,” they provide no definitive answers for the 

problem of an ultra-Apollonian, post-Enlightenment power which 

seeks to produce subjects so to “normalize” and control them. (ibid.) 

Foucault acknowledges that “incursions into the Dionysian are 

always quickly bound in again by order” (ibid.), and that this 

boundary-policing is becoming increasingly insidious in the market-driven 

millennium. As a consequence, libidinal economists 

must not merely affirm the Dionysian, but learn to manipulate 

Apollonian normalizations of the Dionysian in turn.

3 

The Virtual Apocalypse 

These [technological] discoveries bend our senses and our 

organs in a way that causes us to believe that our physical 

and moral constitution is no longer in rapport with them. 

Science, as it were, proposes that we should enter a new 

world that has not been made for us. We would like to venture 

into it; but it does not take us long to recognize that it 

requires a constitution we lack and organs we do not have. 

G. Claudin, 1858 (Schivelbusch 152) 

As we prepared for our transition into the twenty-first century, an 

emergent discussion of digital communication technologies warned 

of the possible “annihilation of space and time.” We must remind 

ourselves, however, that the invention of the steam engine and the 

railroad inspired similar declarations in mid-nineteenth-century 

Europe. In 1839 an article in the Quarterly Review discussed “the 

gradual annihilation, approaching almost to the final extinction, of 

that space and of those distances which have hitherto been supposed 

unalterably to separate the various nations of the globe” (41). 12 Here 

we can detect the initial movements of a new geographic consciousness 

that has steadily moved toward a utopian Pangea. This universal 

ideal is now realized in the globalist rhetoric of Internetinterested 

parties such as the Microsoft Corporation, whose slogan 

is, Where Do You Want to Go Today? 

In his classic history of The Railway Journey, Wolfgang 

Schivelbusch discusses the “disorientation experienced by the traditional 

space-time continuum when confronted by . . . new technology” 

(1980: 44). His study reveals that planetary shrinkage was 

prophesied long before McLuhan imaged the world as a “global village.” 

In 1843 for instance, Heinrich Heine observed how “[s]pace is 

being killed by the railways, and we are left with time alone . . . . 

63

64 


I feel as if the mountains and forests of all countries were advancing 

on Paris. Even now, I can smell the German linden trees; the 

North Sea’s breakers are rolling against my door” (ibid.). 

As was to be the case with both atomic power and the modem, 

the train encouraged a belief in new opportunities for understanding 

our fellow men and women. “To thus foreshorten for everyone 

the distances that separate localities from each other,” Constantine 

Pecqueur noted, “is to equally diminish the distances that separate 

men from one another” (ibid. 74). Schivelbusch emphasizes this 

confusion of the spatial with the social by early nineteenth-century 

progressive thinkers, who believed that the railroad would be a 

“technical guarantor of democracy, harmony between nations, 

peace and progress” (73). 

Yet what happens when two points, previously buffered by distance, 

are brought together by new technologies? According to 

Schivelbusch, an accident occurs “As the space between the 

points—the traditional travelling space—is destroyed, those points 

move into each other’s immediate vicinity: one might say that they 

collide” (45). Such a collision necessarily involves some kind of initial 

psychic shock. The earliest recorded reactions to train travel, 

however, tend to dwell on the threat of physical danger before contemplating 

the philosophical “shock” of this newfound velocity. 

The accident is one of the four modes of Being in Aristotle’s 

Metaphysics. However, not until the industrial revolution—when 

measurable accidents increased—did the word lose its association 

with coincidence or fate. The accident thus became a by-product of 

industry in the modern era, a technological phenomenon that 

brings death on a scale previously unheard-of outside the spheres 

of natural disaster or war. 13 

In our own time, the accident has become intimately connected 

to the government’s management of resources. Because it is factored 

into every economic equation, we have developed—at least according 

to Ernst Jünger—a “second and colder consciousness” (Buck- 

Morss 138-139). As Jean Baudrillard observes, “The blood on the 

roads is a desperate form of compensation for the State’s tarmac 

gifts . . . . The accident thus takes its place in the space that institutes 

a symbolic debt towards the State” (1993: 43). Nevertheless, as 

inheritors of Jünger’s “second consciousness” we do not, on the 

whole, think of accidents as being so perilously near as they were to 

early commuters on the first trains. Take, for instance, the first 

major railway disaster, on May 8, 1842 on the Paris-Versailles line, 

which killed or wounded over one hundred and fifty people. This 

accident immediately threw much of Europe into panic, accounting 

for the sense of fear and helplessness that permeates many historical 

accounts of this new technology and its passive mode of trans-

The Virtual Apocalypse 65 

port. 

To Thomas Creevy, writing in 1829, traveling by train “is really 

flying, and it is impossible to divest yourself of the notion of 

instant death to all upon the least accident happening” 

(Schivelbusch 131). Sixteen years later a German traveller 

describes a “certain dampening of the spirits that never quite goes 

away despite all the pleasant aspects of train journeys,” which he 

attributes to the ever-present “close possibility of an accident, and 

the inability to exercise any influence on the running of the cars” 

(ibid.). Those who survived accidents physically unscathed seemed 

unable to absorb psychologically the shock of experiencing the 

unprecedented destructive power of technology. “There is something 

in the crash,” wrote William Camps in 1886, 

the shock, and the violence of a railway collision, which would seem 

to produce effects upon the nervous system quite beyond those of 

any ordinary injury . . . [and these] . . . to such an extent, that 

the unfortunate sufferer may not altogether recover throughout the 

remainder of his life, which I apprehend, may, in some instances at 

least, be reasonably expected to be curtailed in its duration. (139) 

One nineteenth-century physician, Max Nordau—who I discuss 

in more detail in chapter 4—regarded the increasing cases of 

“railway spine” and “railway brain” (ill-defined nineteeth century 

afflictions) as evidence of human fragility in the face of accelerating 

technologies (41). Schivelbusch also attributed the profound impact 

of railroad trauma to the relative sophistication of the technology, 

for “the more efficient the technology, the more catastrophic its 

destruction when it collapses” (133). Consequently, 

[t]here is an exact ratio between the level of the technology with 

which nature is controlled, and the degree of severity of its accidents. 

The preindustrial era does not know any technological accidents 

in that sense . . . . The preindustrial catastrophes are natural 

events, natural accidents. They attack the objects they 

destroy from the outside, as storms, floods, thunderbolts, hailstones, 

etc. After the industrial revolution, destruction by technological 

accident comes from the inside. (ibid.) 

What are the implications of such an argument in the post- 

(or at least “late”) industrial era, as mechanical production in the 

west gives way to electronic maintenance? The Union Carbide disaster 

in Bhopal, Chernobyl, and daily transit accidents vividly 

illustrate the continuing relevance of such a theory. At first 

glance, at least, new technological vectors suggest a cushioning of 

potential impacts. Yet the lessons of railroad trauma should con-

66 


tinue to be heeded, for as we have seen, people may survive a 

crash physically untouched but mentally devastated. Why should 

things be any different in virtual reality? 

Psychoanalysts sometimes posit a causal link between the imminence 

of accidents and the eroticization of trains. Noting the “connection 

between mechanical agitation and sexual arousal” 

(Schivelbsch 197), Sigmund Freud identified the railroad as the 

most powerful agent of such stimulation. (Indeed, it is no “accident” 

that one of the most enduring phallic symbols is the train.) Freud 

believed that “a compulsive link of this kind between railway-travel 

and sexuality is clearly derived from the pleasurable character of 

the sensations of movement” (ibid.). Early train travelers experienced 

the fearful independence of their own sexuality as somehow 

corresponding to derailment: “Their fear is related to the danger of 

finding themselves in a kind of unstoppable motion that they can 

no longer control. The same patients generally exhibit fear of locomotion 

in any vehicle they cannot bring to a halt themselves at any 

time” (83). Freud even goes so far as to attribute the nausea of 

motion sickness to the repression of sexual desires awakened by 

train travel (197). While open to dispute, such theories point to the 

constellation, which exists between sexuality, neurosis, and a technological 

apocalypse. The nineteeth-century condition of “libidinal 

neurosis” (Schivelbusch 143) thus speaks of an erogenous component 

within the acceleration of Western culture, and specifically in 

the endeavor to treat the “erotic as a regulated machine” (Lyotard). 

J.-K. Huysmans’s mouth-piece, Des Esseintes, eroticizes the 

train itself, by feminizing two locomotives “lately adopted for service 

on the Northern Railroad of France”: 

One, the Cramspton, an adorable blonde, shrill-voiced, slenderwaisted, 

with her glittering corset of polished brass, her supple 

catlike grace, a fair and fascinating blonde, the perfection of whose 

charms is almost terrifying when, stiffening her muscles of steel, 

pouring the sweat of steam down her hot flanks . . . . The other, 

the Engerth, a massively built, dark-browed brunette, of harsh, 

hoarse-toned utterance, with thick-set loins. (22-23) 

Vague sexual arousal is intensified here into that fetishistic gaze 

which was to be exercised in the Futurist writings of F. T. Marinetti 

and reach its apotheosis in J. G. Ballard’s novel, Crash (1975). 

According to an 1855 article in the Journal of Public Health and 

Sanitary Review, “[t]he causes of the evil are not to be found in the 

noise, vibration and speed of the railway carriage . . . but in the 

excitement, anxiety, and the nervous shock consequent on the frequent 

efforts to catch the last express; to be in time for the fearful-

ly punctual train” (Schivelbusch 203). 

A contemporary example of “fearfully punctual” technology is 

the home computer, and the escalating industry that generates its 

built-in obsolescence. Those who cannot afford to purchase a computer 

are denied access to the social and economic mobility that 

such technology—potentially, at least—produces. That tiny percentage 

of the world population that can afford computers is then 

obliged to upgrade continuously in order to keep pace with one of 

capitalism’s purest forms. In 1868 such a phenomenon was 

described by Haviland as being “hurried to death” (Schivelbusch 

203), and in 1970 by Alvin Toffler as “future shock.” Both testify to 

a temporal version of the everyday collisions documented by historians, 

statisticians, photographers, artists, and coroners. 

Virilio’s Accident 


If I were asked to condense the whole of the present century 

into one mental picture I would pick a familiar everyday 

sight: a man in a motor car, driving along a concrete highway 

to some unknown destination. Almost every aspect of modern 

life is there, both for good and for ill—our sense of speed, 

drama and aggression, the worlds of advertising and consumer 

goods, engineering and mass manufacture, and the 

shared experience of moving together through an elaborately 

signalled landscape. 

Ballard (1996: 262) 

There are no accidents, only nature throwing her weight 

around. 

Camille Paglia (38) 

There is a scene in Huysmans’s A Rebours (1884) where Des 

Esseintes attempts to break free from his stagnant lifestyle by taking 

a trip across the Channel to England. He only makes it as far 

as a tavern on the rue d’Amsterdam near the train station. As he 

eats his dinner while waiting for his train to depart, he overhears 

some Englishmen talking nearby, who inspire him to imagine the 

journey that lies ahead. He soon finds himself so overcome by an 

“enervating lassitude” that he decides it would be “a nuisance” to 

make his connection. “After all,” he says, “I have felt and seen what

68 


I wanted to feel and see. I have been steeped in English life ever 

since I left home; it would have been a fool’s trick to go and lose these 

imperishable impressions by a clumsy change of locality” (130). 

Because the trip has occurred already in his mind, Des 

Esseintes needs no corresponding journey in reality to legitimize 

his “memories.” His voyage has been conducted entirely in that 

imaginative realm we now call “virtual”, “and this merely by a trifling 

subterfuge, by a more or less close simulation of the object 

aimed at by these desires” (20). This is the perfect arrangement for 

a connoisseur of sensation who is nevertheless too apathetic to venture 

outside his domicile. 

Des Esseintes thus anticipates the quintessential attitude of 

twenty-first-century couch potatoes when he asks; “What was the 

good of moving, when a man can travel so gloriously sitting in a 

chair?” (130). This chair then becomes a significant site of early 

virtual movement, allowing the world to revolve around the self 

like stars around a prodigal sun. Over a century later, Ballard 

was quoted as saying, “I keep meaning to go [to the United 

States], but it’s just inertia. Also, I think one doesn’t really need 

to travel—TV travels for you” (Juno 35). He goes on to remark 

that “[i]f one had to categorize the future in one word, it would be 

‘home.’ Just as the 20 th century has been the age of mobility, largely 

through the motor car, so the next era will be one in which 

instead of having to seek out one’s adventures through travel, one 

creates them, in whatever form one chooses, in one’s home” (159). 

The combination of accelerated communication technologies with 

increased global mobility has produced a paradoxical tendency 

toward stasis. From reality’s gridlock to the Internet’s “net-lag,” 

things are grinding to a halt. As Mark Kingwell notes, “We are 

always speeding up to a standstill” (159). 

We are thus living on the threshold of an era in which fiberoptic 

cables carry vicarious experiences to and for us. After all, we 

live in an age where we can dine with our family via real-time technologies, 

even when scattered to the four corners of the globe. As 

Paul Virilio notes (perhaps recalling Des Esseintes); “When cosmic 

imagery is completely digitalized in the next century by computer 

processes, cybernauts will be able to travel in their armchairs as 

simple televiewers, discovering a surrogate world that will have 

emerged from information energy” (1995: 154). 

As we have seen, however, acceleration comes at a price: namely, 

the psychic coordinates of the Victorian worldview. Virilio 

revives the doom-mongering of the first half of the nineteenth century 

when he writes that “with acceleration there is no more here 

and there, only the mental confusion of near and far, present and 

future, real and unreal—a mix of history, stories and the halluci-


natory utopia of communication technologies” (ibid.: 35). 

This digital disorientation leads us into Baudrillard territory, 

whereby the copy is indistinguishable from the original, the simulation 

from “the real.” Virilio, however, takes this a step further 

than Baudrillard, by arguing that such a distinction is already 

dated. Instead, “reality has become symmetrical,” splitting into two 

distinct parts: the virtual and the actual. “This,” Virilio argues, “is 

a considerable event which goes far beyond simulation” (Wilson). 

Virilio thinks that this split is an effect of “the digital or computer 

bomb, which destroys the principle of reality itself” (ibid.). 

Acknowledging that the nuclear bomb and the computer were invented 

simultaneously, he sees them now locked into an apocalyptic “race 

for ubiquity and instantaneity” (1995: 7): “These new technologies try 

to make virtual reality more powerful than actual reality, which is the 

true accident,” he continues. “The day when virtual reality becomes 

more powerful than reality will be the day of the big accident. 

Mankind never experienced such an extraordinary accident” (Wilson). 

Many engines have helped propel human history, but two in particular 

drove the final century of the last millennium: the automobile 

and the computer. The information engine and the combustion 

engine combined to colonize our perception of the world, and our 

place in it. “The communications industry would never have got 

where it is today,” Virilio tells us, “had it not started out as an art 

of the motor” (1995: 23). Television thus becomes a “museum of accidents,” 

and even a term like impact study exposes the way in which 

progress has been metaphorically motorized. 

In discussing the reality-engine (a Virtual Reality term), Virilio 

concludes that “[t]o navigate space, cyberspace, as one formerly 

steered a motor vehicle . . . is indeed the great aesthetic mutation 

of information technologies” (ibid.: 145). For this reason, the 

Internet is also referred to as the “information super-highway.” 

Such a metaphor, however, speaks volumes about the way in which 

we view our passage through time. Our emphasis on speed has 

meant that we do not consider the Internet as a “sea” of data, 

despite ample opportunities to do so. We surf the net, as well as 

trawl through it for information; we have software piracy, and the 

registered logo of the new defunct Netscape Navigator featured 

both a ship’s wheel and a lighthouse. 

In Fast Cars, Clean Bodies (1995), Kristin Ross identifies the 

car as the central vehicle of all twentieth-century modernization. 

Personal mobility resulted in a newfound freedom, and produced a 

new subjectivity whose circumference (unlike domestic space) was 

simultaneously nowhere and everywhere. If we map this new decentred 

subjectivity onto the information superhighway, we get what

70 


Scott Bukatman calls “terminal identity”: a pun on the apocalyptic 

technology of the cybernaut. In popular-romantic accounts, hackers 

are like James Dean: young male rebels, tearing along the fiberoptic 

autobahns at breakneck speed, and seeking the self-transcendence 

of “escape velocity.” Like Dean, however, they are also heading 

for a crash. Ballard’s Crash and Neal Stephenson’s Snow Crash 

(1993) give us two perspectives of this (always) impending impact. 

The crash is seen by the media, the government, and the medical 

profession—and therefore by most of us—as an aberration. We have 

car accidents, the name itself eliding any notion of purpose or 

responsibility. But what if, as Baudrillard suggests, the crash could 

be separated from the notion of an accident and considered as 

something more deliberate than just a fatal by-product. Something 

more than simply “the part conceded to fate by the system itself and 

calculated into its general reckoning” (1991: 315). In this case the 

accident is “no longer on the margins; it is at the heart. It is no 

longer the exception to a triumphant rationality; it has become the 

Rule, it has devoured the Rule” (ibid.). 

Indeed, a comprehensive North American study published in 

the same year as Ballard’s Crash begins with “a specific theory of 

the etiology of accident—namely, that in many, perhaps even most 

accidents, suicide or suicidelike factors are in evidence” 

(Tabachnick et al. ix). A similar hypothesis inspired Ballard to ask 

if we are “merely victims in a meaningless tragedy,” or whether 

“these appalling accidents take place with some kind of unconscious 

collaboration on our part?” (1996: 263). 

The counterdestructive potential of the car crash was a key 

motif in the writings of the Italian Futurist, Marinetti. As “probably 

the most aggressive and naïve attempt to establish an aesthetic 

on the preaching of de Sade and Nietzsche” (Nuttall 75), 

Futurism reacted to the political climate leading up to the First 

World War by embracing technology and rejecting the Luddite legacy 

of romanticism. Reversing the hierarchy of man-over-machine, 

Marinetti composed homages to the tightly coiled power of machinery, 

which enabled humans to transcend their condition by fusing 

with pure velocity: “We stand on the last promontory of the centuries! 

. . . . Why should we look back, when what we want is to 

break down the mysterious doors of the Impossible? Time and 

Space died yesterday. We already live in the absolute, because we 

have created eternal, omnipresent speed” (48-49). 

Prefiguring the “road rage” mentality of busy commuters, the 

Futurists proclaimed the need to “persecute, lash, torture all those 

who sin against speed” (103). They also anticipated various cyborg 

philosophies regarding an enhanced posthumanity, linking Nietzsche


and Nordau to William Gibson and Stelarc. The techno-Übermensch 

will be “endowed with surprising organs . . . adapted to the needs 

of a world of ceaseless shocks” (99). Alternatively, he may confirm 

Marshall McLuhan’s suspicion that man himself has become merely 

“the sex organs of the machine world” (1974: 46). 

Marinetti’s Founding and Manifesto of Futurism (1909) was 

itself (in Ballard’s phrase) a “death-born Aphrodite,” heavy with the 

Freudian symbolism of the Accident. The narrative describes a 

group of like-minded people who, driving through the countryside 

and fervently discusing the future of Europe, crash into the “maternal 

ditch” of a factory drain. This accident jolts them into a new 

sense of awareness which—prefiguring Ballard’s characters— 

enables a deeper appreciation of the relationship between humanity 

and technology. Emerging from the slimy wreckage of his car, a 

reborn Marinetti proclaims the “immanent, inevitable identification 

of man with motor” (1991: 99). The accident—injected with 

personal and global significance—thus becomes the catalyst for 

both subjective revelation and apocalyptic Revelation: ‘Look there, 

on the earth, the very first dawn! There’s nothing to match the 

splendor of the sun’s red sword, slashing for the first time through 

our millennial gloom!’ . . . . I stretched out on my car like a corpse 

on its bier, but revived at once under the steering wheel, a guillotine 

blade that threatened my stomach” (48). 

In public life, however, the accident remains a glitch, a bug or 

blockage in a system designed for “figures of incessant circulation” 

(Baudrillard, 1991: 315). 

Bacchanical Man and Ballard’s Crash 

No more riots, no need for much repression; to empty the 

streets, it’s enough to promise everyone the highway. 

Paul Virilio (1986: 25). 

In a 1984 interview with REsearch magazine, Ballard describes a 

serene pattern of circulation that transcends basic notions of law 

and order: 

It seems to me that we’re moving into an area where the moral 

structures of society, the whole social basis of the lives we lead are 

provided for us externally without any sort of contribution by our-

72 


selves—they’re provided to a large extent by the nature of modern 

science and technology. We don’t think of say the modern traffic 

system as being a moral structure, but in a sense the green and 

red lights that move traffic around safely are making a whole set 

of moral decisions for us, which allow us to get on with the business 

of, say, having a row with the girlfriend as we go around the 

cloverleaf in complete safety . . . . This leaves our imagination 

free and untrammeled by moral considerations. (Revell 46) 

In 1996 it was estimated that America were six years away from 

the prototype of an automated highway system for “smart vehicles,” 

which would move passengers around like “oversized slot-cars” 

(Wiesenfelder 128). Recently the U.S. Department of 

Transportation awarded $161 million to the National Automated 

Highway System Consortium, a General Motors-led alliance to 

“provide fully automatic vehicle operation in dedicated lanes.” The 

objective is “to streamline traffic and virtually eliminate highway 

accidents” (ibid.—my emphasis). 

What would Ballard make of such a smooth mode of circulation, 

whose express purpose is to reduce accidents to “if not zero— 

then close to it?” (ibid.). Is this the point at which a moral structure 

becomes totalitarian? Baudrillard protests such a system when he 

writes that “we support the concept of road signs when it comes to 

sexual distinctions, or to fashion, or to the corruption and disarray 

of our values, but we don’t support it when it comes to the realm of 

order” (1983: 46). 

While busy with Crash, Ballard wrote a journalistic piece 

called “The Car, The Future” (1971), which uncannily predicts the 

Automated Highway System. By the closing years of the century, he 

says, “[i]t seems inevitable that we will gradually surrender our 

present freedom to step into our cars and drive where and when we 

wish.” This is because “[t]raffic movements and densities will be 

increasingly watched and controlled by electronic devices, automatic 

signals and barriers” (265). Ballard foresees that one of the 

first casualties of the twenty-first century will be that symbol of 

personal agency, the steering wheel: “the private car will remain, 

but one by one its brake pedal, accelerator and control systems, like 

the atrophying organs of our own bodies, will be removed” (ibid.). 

At the threshold of the digital age, Ballard understood the 

deeply symbiotic relationship between mechanical and electronic 

technologies. For when considering what will take the place of the 

steering wheel, he imagines it is likely to be 

a wheel of a different kind—a telephone dial. When our greatgrandchildren 

sit down in their cars in the year 2050, they will see 

in front of them two objects—one that resembles a telephone, the


other a telephone directory. The directory will contain a list of all 

possible destinations, each with a number that may be dialled. 

Having selected his destination, our driver will look up the number 

and then dial it on the telephone. His signal will be transmitted 

to the transport exchange . . . [also known as] Central Traffic 

Control. (265-266) 

This hybrid vision of the future blurs the boundary between highway 

and superhighway. For even when we fight inertia, and decide 

to change location, we still do so through electronic mediation. 

Viewed from above, our highways have hitherto resembled the 

movement of bits of data around the infobahn. In Ballard’s automated 

highway, however, the fractal model of the Internet is 

replaced by a centripetal processing-station. Obviously, such a rigorously 

defined system would rob the car of its very essence: the 

illusion of freedom. But as Ballard reminds us, the automobile provides 

other kinds of freedom than mobility, including the “perverse” 

freedom to kill ourselves—or others—by terminal velocity. After all, 

the crash is “almost the only way in which one can now legally take 

another person’s life” (Ballard, 1975: 37). 

One person who relishes such a freedom is the protagonist of 

Ballard’s abject text, Crash. Vaughan is a self-styled “modern martyr 

of the superhighways” (1975: 162). Formerly a computer specialist 

who worked on the “application of computerized techniques 

to the control of all international traffic systems” (ibid.: 53-54), he 

became a morbidly fetishistic MD with the desire to literalize his 

Freudian death-“drive.” In doing so, Vaughan abandons a corporate-sponsored 

quest for order to embrace the necrophiliac-nightmare 

logic of the car crash. 

The Canadian filmmaker David Cronenberg (who filmed Crash 

in 1996) has often explored the dynamic between a dionysian 

attraction to chaos and the social drive toward order. 14 As both “our 

foremost theoretician of viral sex” (Dery, 235), and “the filmmaker 

of terminal identity” (Bukatman 80), Cronenberg was really the 

only candidate for the job. Asked about one of his earlier movies, 

Shivers (1975), Cronenberg replied: “I had read Norman O. Brown’s 

Life against Death . . . in which he . . . discuss[es] the Freudian 

theory of polymorphous perversity. . . . Even old Norm had some 

trouble when he tried to figure out how that kind of Dionysian consciousness 

would function in a society where you had to cross the 

street and not get hit by a car” (ibid.: 277). Crash is an explicit 

treatment of this very conundrum. The only truly dionysian 

response, it concludes, is to let yourself get hit. 

An entire discipline has mushroomed around Ballard’s excremental 

book, which is essentially about a group of people who see

74 


the highway system as an amoral structure, and certainly have no 

interest in negotiating it “in complete safety.” In Jünger’s terms, the 

inhabitants of Ballard’s story are the alienated subjects of this “second” 

and “colder” consciousness, which evolved simultaneously (and 

in order to cope with) the dehumanizing conditions of the industrial 

age. 

Described by its author as “the first pornographic book based 

on technology” (Juno 98), Crash exhibits the “clear equation . . . 

between sex and the kinaesthetics of the highway” (Ballard, 1975: 

147). The characters are in search of “a new sexuality born from a 

perverse technology” (10), manifested in the violent conjunction of 

flesh, celluloid, and chrome. Ballard’s fetishistic text is obsessed 

with the juxtaposition of body and machine, especially when mediated 

through the lens. The Bataillean notion of an unconscious 

yearning for fusion—a nostalgia for a lost continuity—is taken to 

its late twentieth-century conclusion in Crash, where people press 

their genitals into dashboards in a humourless parody of the urge 

to mate with machinery: 

[Vaughan] moved around the car, marking the profile of his penis on 

the doors and fractured windows, on the trunk lid and rear fender. 

Carrying his penis in his hand to shield it from sharp metal, 

Vaughan climbed into the front seat and began to draw the outline 

of his penis against the instrument panel and centre arm-rest, marking 

out the erotic focus of a crash or sex-act, celebrating the marriage 

of his own genitalia and the skull shattered dashboard binnacle 

against which the middle-aged woman dentist had died. (13) 

The interchangeable properties of “car crash or sex-act” highlight 

the historical flirtation between Eros and Thanatos. Unlike Sade, 

however, Vaughan is willing to push the thanatic asymptote over 

the line into his own literal death. 

Bukatman believes that Ballard’s major accomplishment is to 

have created a character who “seeks joyful synthesis with precisely 

those objects that . . . reinforce the discontinuous experience of 

being” (293). Bodily fluids thus comingle with engine oil to create 

an explosive and transcendent cocktail, which takes alienation into 

previously unexplored “posthumanist” territory. 

In 1976, Baudrillard published a piece praising Crash. It has since 

been smothered in an avalanche of criticism accusing him of being 

both “dangerously partial and naïvely celebratory” (Sobchack, 

1991: 327). Yet it remains illuminating, if only as a cracked mirror 

reflecting a distorted image of Ballard’s text. 

Perhaps Baudrillard’s most contentious claim is his assertion that


[t]here is no affectivity behind all this: no psychology, no ambivalence 

or desire, no libido or death-drive. Death is a natural implication in 

this limitless exploration of the possible forms of violence done to the 

body, but this is never (as in sadism or masochism) what the violence 

purposely and perversely aims at, never a distortion of sense and 

sex . . . . There is no repressed unconscious. (314) 

Such an interpretation leapfrogs the familiar psychoanalytic models 

that seek to explain extreme behavior. The book evacuates all 

motive and emotion, reflecting the author’s belief that we must 

transfigure Freud’s internal libido by projecting it onto the external 

world of objects. This is why Baudrillard believes that traditional 

descriptions such as “perverted” and “voyeuristic” should not be 

applied to the behavior of Crash’s characters, since these concepts 

belong to an obsolete order: “There is no possibility of dysfunction 

in the universe of the accident; thus no perversion either. The 

Accident, like death, is no longer of the order of the neurotic, of the 

repressed, of the residual, or of the transgressive; it is the initiator 

of a new manner of non-perverted pleasure” (315). The libido is not 

projected onto the outside world, but leaks into the mind from outside, 

via technology. The carnage in Crash is thus offered as something 

other than a return of the repressed. 

Graeme Revell implicitly recognizes the novel’s debt to Sade, 

noting that “this abandonment of sentiment and emotion is no 

cause for regret; rather it has cleared a space for the free play of our 

perversions and especially our apparently unlimited capacity for 

abstraction” (145). The question of desire in this text is indeed perplexing, 

since it is both omnipresent and strangely absent, as in the 

Sadean universe. Living up to his name, Pan is present everywhere 

in Vaughan’s “panicky universe.” He is located, however, not within 

a pagan or biological impulse, but in the sterile and traditionally 

unerotic mise-en-scène of the postindustrial Western metropolis: 

“This obsession with the sexual possibilities of everything around 

me had been jerked loose from my mind by the crash. I imagined 

the ward filled with convalescing air-disaster victims, each of their 

minds a brothel of images. The crash between our two cars was a 

model of some ultimate and yet undreamt sexual union” (23). The 

narrator soon becomes overwhelmed with the polymorphous eroticism 

of his hospital, whose “elegant aluminized air-vents in the 

walls of the x-ray department beckoned as invitingly as the 

warmest orifice” (34). 

Baudrillard believes Crash heralds the arrival of “an 

unprecedented sort of sexuality . . . a kind of potential dizziness 

linked to the pure inscription of the body’s non-existent 

signs” (1991: 314). Yet this contrasts sharply with Ballard’s 

relentless emphasis on the organic as well as on the technologi-

76 


cal. Although Ballard appreciates the seductive power of the 

sign—he talks of crashes releasing codes lying dormant within 

us—his keen materialism, based in his love of the dionysian, 

refuses to embrace such an intellectual conceit. 

Yet Ballard’s novel certainly rethinks the relationship between 

technology and transgression in order to update the dionysian 

imperative. Discontinuity is no longer something to be negotiated 

solely between people, for machinery is now (as McLuhan insisted) 

an equal part of the erotic equation. It is even endowed with its own 

“machine libido” (Juno et al. 156). Echoing Huysmans’s literary 

diagnoses (discussed in chapter 4), Ballard observes that “the social 

novel is reaching fewer and fewer readers,” because “social relationships 

are no longer as important as the individual’s relationship 

with the technological landscape of the twentieth century” 

(ibid.: 99). Indeed, the narrator of Crash explicitly states that he 

“realized that the human inhabitants of this technological landscape 

no longer provided its sharpest pointers, its keys to the border-zones 

of identity” (40). Where Baudrillard and Ballard diverge, 

however, is on whether this meta-alienation is a desirable state of 

affairs—that is, whether it results in “a sexuality that is without 

referentiality and without limits” (Baudrillard, 1991: 313), or 

whether it leads to an extremely messy death. 

Baudrillard’s alleged “body-loathing” represents the desire— 

shared by both the Australian performance artist Stelarc and the 

techno-Darwinian Extropian cult—to transcend the body while 

simultaneously (and miraculously) leaving consciousness intact. 

(This desire to transcend the flesh did not, of course, originate in 

the cyberage. In The Temptation of St. Anthony (1874), Gustave 

Flaubert writes; “Aren’t you tired of this body that weighs on your 

soul and cramps it like a narrow cell would? Demolish the flesh, 

then . . . we shun the flesh, we execrate it” [in Virilio, 1995: 80].) 

In contrast, Ballard, who often writes about human resilience, 

wants to dismember the present in order to remember the future— 

to narrate “a transcendence which is also always a surrender” 

(Bukatman 329). He thus seeks to interrogate the apocalyptic 

undercurrent of certain techno-tendencies. 

The outraged reactions that greeted Baudrillard’s piece suggest 

that it struck a nerve. His cerebral celebration of the soon-tobe 

obsolete body provoked his numerous critics to cry, Enough 

cyberbole! (Dery, 247). They argued that in celebrating the jouissance 

of collision, Baudrillard ignores Ballard’s explicit references 

to the book’s (albeit elusive) morality. In the introduction to the 

French translation of Crash, Ballard writes; “Will modern technology 

provide us with hitherto undreamed-of means for tapping our 

own psychopathologies? Is this harnessing of our innate perversity


conceivably of benefit to us? Is there some deviant logic unfolding 

more powerful than that provided by reason?” (Juno et al. 98). 

Here we can see that Ballard’s book is still firmly rooted in 

Freudian territory: for although there may be no emotional depth 

behind the actions of Vaughan and his cohorts, there still exist the 

contaminated residues of psychology, ambivalence, desire, libido, 

and death (categories that Baudrillard rejects). As N. Katherine 

Hayles maintains, “desire is not absent. Rather it is reconfigured 

and intensified” (322). Desire in Crash is like a spark in the void, 

present only when flesh and technology collide. 

Considering the terms of this debate, it seems that Ballard 

may have underestimated the powers of persuasion wielded by 

postmodernists on late-modernist texts. It is certainly naive of him 

to state in the same introduction that “the ultimate role of Crash is 

cautionary, a warning against the brutal, erotic and overlit realm 

that beckons more and more persuasively to us from the margins of 

the technological landscape” (Juno et al. 98). Elsewhere Ballard 

claims that his “fiction really is investigative, exploratory, and 

comes to no moral conclusions whatever” (Revell 43), somewhat 

vindicating Baudrillard’s perspective. 

Yet we need to beware of “the scandal of metaphor,” as Vivian 

Sobchack attests in her famous response to Baudrillard. With reference 

to her own experience of thigh cancer, she remembers “the 

cold touch of technology” on her flesh as “distractions from [her] 

erotic possibilities, and not, as Baudrillard would have it, erotically 

distracting” (1991: 328). Mobilizing her own experience against 

Baudrillard’s exponential powers of abstraction, Sobchack warns 

against the “self-exterminating impulses” of those cyborg discourses 

that talk of the body as thought, rather than of my body as lived 

(and thus miss the irony and politics of Donna Haraway’s manifesto). 

Hence her attack on those who seek to transcend the flesh 

through a masculinist and masturbatory urge to “beat the meat” 

(1995: 209). Sobchack insists a jolt of pain relocates us firmly in our 

mortal subjectivity and isolation, countering the sci-fi strategy of 

reducing the human to an assemblage of “organs without bodies.” 

Despite what Baudrillard (and, to a certain extent, Ballard) would 

have us believe, she argues, the crash does not provide an ejective 

epiphany outside of our banal alienation. 

Since having her leg amputated, Sobchack has produced an 

addendum to her essay. “What many surgeries and my prosthetic 

experience have really taught me,” she writes, “is that, if we are to 

survive into the next century, we must counter the millennial discourses 

that would decontextualize our flesh into insensate sign or 

digitize it into cyberspace” (ibid.: 209). She warns that “if we don’t 

keep this subjective kind of bodily sense in mind as we negotiate

78 


our techno-culture, then we, like Vaughan, like Baudrillard, will 

objectify ourselves to death” (1991: 329). Her impassioned point is 

well taken. Yet to conflate Baudrillard with Vaughan is to misread 

the pulse of the issue, since to attack Baudrillard is to assault a 

decoy. To criticize an acknowledgment that such a tendency 

exists—no matter how cynical or complicit it may be—is something 

akin to moral censorship, because it condemns the source of such 

urges instead of seeking its meaning. Ballard’s book continues to 

fascinate precisely because it both condemns and romanticizes a 

cyborgian sexuality. Ethical politics do not thrive in ambivalent 

spaces, of which Crash is a prime example. Does this mean we 

should vilify it? 

Brooks Landon admits that Ballard’s text is something of an 

endurance test for more than the intellect: “Reading Crash makes 

my knees hurt, my teeth ache, my skin crawl, my stomach churn, 

my balls shrivel because—God help me—the book is so perfectly, so 

threateningly right, even (gulp) normal” (327). Such bodily reactions 

say a great deal about its dionysian affiliations. So long as a 

body is connected to the brain that reads it, Crash will have a visceral 

impact. Baudrillard’s “obscenity” was to take the text’s terms 

too far: by overemphasizing the technological over the organic, he 

thereby scatters the seeds of a “transgressive conservatism.” The 

mistake made by his critics, on the other hand, is to overemphasize 

a lingering morality in Ballard’s text, and thereby to neglect the 

nihilistic power of its amoral world. Hopefully a nascent politics of 

exhaustion can be forged between these antagonistic perspectives 

on technophilic millenarianism. 

Who could deny, however, that by faithfully following the trajectory 

of western culture to its technological (near) conclusion, 

Crash continues the libertine and decadent legacy? By updating its 

themes within a familiar dionysian constellation, Crash perpetuates 

the cult of the artificial, the eroticism of the machine, and the 

libidinal tang of apocalypse. 

Technol-orgy: From Autogeddon to Infocalypse 

Our atrocity, the one that distinguishes us from all others, is 

the act of gathering the pieces and running them through a 

computer to establish the identity of the dead. 

It’s all kind of paranoid and audio-visual. 

Baudrillard (1983: 43)


Cherry 2000 

Crash introduces us to Ballard’s vision of Autogeddon: a vast, 

orgasmic car-crash: 

The passengers in the airliners lifting away from the airport were 

fleeing the disaster area, escaping from this coming Autogeddon. 

These premonitions of disaster remained with me. During my first 

days at home I spent all my time on the veranda, watching the 

traffic move along the motorway, determined to spot the first signs 

of this end of the world by automobile, for which the accident had 

been my own private rehearsal. (41) 

Autogeddon is Ballard’s millenarian vision of the urban landscape 

in the twentieth century, which increasingly was “being created by 

and for the car” (1996: 262). In case his readers miss the apocalyptic 

flavor of this concept, Ballard refers to “another cargo of eager 

victims—one almost expects to see Breughel and Hieronymus 

Bosch cruising the freeways in their rental company cars” (42). In 

cosmological terms, it is the big prang: the collective extension of 

that drive-in rite de passage that turns the backseat of cars into 

“upholstered altars on which virginity is ritually sacrificed” (Dery, 

190). Yet for those characters who inhabit the universe of Crash, 

Autogeddon is a spectacular cyborgy, which is to be encouraged 

rather than avoided. 

Vaughan fantasizes with libidinal fervor about the arrival of 

Autogeddon: “In his mind Vaughan saw the whole world dying in a 

simultaneous automobile disaster, millions of vehicles hurled 

together in a terminal congress of spurting loins and engine coolant” 

(13). He is not the only one to experience orgiastic anticipation, for 

everybody contaminated by the collision is aroused in some sense. 

Baudrillard—never one to pass up the possibility of an orgy—quotes 

the passage in which a large group of people witness an accident. 

Responsive to the “pervasive sexuality [which] filled the air,” they 

feel like “members of a congregation leaving after a sermon urging 

us to celebrate our sexualities with friends and strangers, and were 

driving into the night to imitate the bloody eucharist we had 

observed with the most unlikely partners” (1991: 319). The gorestained 

wreckage becomes a catalyst for a heightened dionysian 

awareness. Vaughan is thus both a martyr and a satyr of the superhighways; 

a “Maldoror of the motorways” (Juno 140). 

All of this serves to remind us that—like previous millenarian 

prophecies—Autogeddon has failed to arrive on schedule, and thus 

we must look elsewhere for the end. Ballard deplores the passing of

80 


the car and the “old-fashioned” idea of freedom it enshrined. “In 

terms of pollution, noise and human life the price of that freedom 

may be high,” he concedes. “But perhaps the car, by the very muddle 

and congestion it causes, may be holding back the remorseless 

spread of the regimented, electronic society” (1996: 266). In identifying 

this encroaching evil, he anticipates the next panic site of 

apocalyptic rhetoric. 

Knowing enough about history to assume that his vision of 

Autogeddon will be superseded, Ballard begins to map the way in 

which the age of the automobile gives way to the “mysterious scenarios 

of computer circuitry” (1975: 154): “The wounds on my knees 

and chest were beacons tuned to a series of beckoning transmitters, 

carrying the signals, unknown to myself, which would unlock this 

immense stasis and free these drivers for the real destinations set 

for their vehicles, the paradises of the electric highway” (ibid.: 44). 

Both the car and the film-projector have collaborated to colonize 

Western minds in the post-war period. Today, this process is 

replicated in the domestic space of the computer workstation. The 

premating ritual of sitting shoulder to shoulder and staring 

straight ahead at some “reel time” spectacle—whether on the movie 

screen or through a windscreen—confers on speed itself a libidinal 

inevitability. As Linda Grant notes, “we’re so frightened of sex that 

the only way we can involve ourselves with it is separated by a 

sheet of glass” (266). The unfolding complicity between the car and 

the projector, as witnessed in cybersex, conceals the (profoundly 

phallocentric) desire either to crash through the hymenlike impenetrability 

of the screen, or—as Benjamin would put it—to witness 

the car careen out of the screen and into “reality.” 

In Crash, slow-motion replays of crash-tests first soothe and 

then arouse the narrator. Television cables carry dystopian images 

that act as aphrodisiacs to the jaded palates of James Ballard and 

his wife, who distractedly consume 

[a]ll those scenes of pain and violence that illuminated the margins 

of our lives—television newsreels of wars and student riots, 

natural disasters and police brutality which we vaguely watched 

on the colour TV set in our bedroom as we masturbated each other. 

This violence experienced at so many removes had become intimately 

associated with our sex acts. The beatings and burnings 

married in our minds with the delicious tremors of our erectile tissues, 

the spilt blood of students with the genital fluids that irrigated 

our fingers and mouths. (30—my emphasis) 

Traditional warnings against the evils of mediation reach an ironic 

zenith in this portrait of “the most terrifying casualty of the century: 

the death of affect” (Juno et al 96).


The Pan-opticon becomes inverted by the citizen of the society 

of the spectacle. (“The spectacle is the ultimate commodity in that 

it makes all others possible”—Bukatman 37.) Where the subject 

once experienced itself as the object of surveillance, now, through 

the penetrating presence of technology, the subject is the all-seeing 

center in a scopophilic organization of the senses. The possibility of 

libidinal burnout is thus heightened through information overload, 

the “deadening effect of the mass media” (Guattari 5). 

The inherently Apollonian process of vision ensures that such 

scopophilic investments are “not libidinal tropisms like any other, 

but compromises; coaxing drives into the domesticated state associated 

with representation,” ultimately funneled into the market 

(Land 70). Yet in our image-saturated society, this “compromise” 

has usurped all other libidinal possibilities. As a consequence, the 

schism between vision and “experience” becomes the locus of erotic 

pleasure in an alienating spiral that coils increasingly, and frustratingly, 

around the self. 

Virilio’s “museum of accidents” (also known as “television”) 

thus coincides with Ballard’s “atrocity exhibition” (also known as 

“the crash”). Hence, due to our “second and colder consciousness,” 

shock—like panic—appears anachronistic, for we are too seduced 

and tranquillized by mediated stimuli to react in such nineteenthcentury 

modes. “Nothing’s shocking,” insists Perry Farrell, a musician 

described by Spin magazine as “Dionysian.” 

Susan Buck-Morss comments on Jünger’s belief that this 

“second” consciousness is intimately connected to photography, 

because the camera lens is an 

“artificial eye” which “arrests the bullet in flight just as it does the 

human being at the instant of being torn to pieces by an explosion.” 

The powerfully prosthetic sense organs of technology are the 

new “ego” of a transformed synaesthetic system. Now they provide 

the porous surface between inner and outer, both perceptual organ 

and mechanism of defense. Technology as a tool and a weapon 

extends human power—at the same time intensifying the vulnerability 

of what Benjamin called “the tiny, fragile human body”— 

and thereby produces a counter-need, to use technology as a protective 

shield against the “colder order” that it creates. (138-139) 

Vaughan fastidiously enacts Walter Benjamin’s observation that 

humanity’s “self-alienation has reached such a degree that it can 

experience its own destruction as an aesthetic pleasure of the first 

order” (1992: 235). In Crash the ultimate conclusion of this alienated 

“colder order” is mass suicide by automobile. Autogeddon is thus not 

only the tragic unfolding of this claustrophobic and profane world, but 

also its exit. When his car launches off the freeway, Vaughan’s extinc-

82 

tion is just another site where a transgressive act spills over into the 

more general desire for “experiential transcendence” (Chidester xi). 

Vaughan thus seeks to get up enough speed to reach escape 

velocity. In the context of Ballard’s persistent literary efforts to 

bring the world to an end (The Drowned World, The Drought, The 

Crystal World, etc.), the redemptive agenda of Crash detaches itself 

from the colorless horizon of the Shepparton highways. As Ballard 

reminds us, “we’re all looking for some sort of vertical route out of 

the particular concrete jungle that we live in” (Juno et al. 164). 

Yet the crash-site enshrines a sobering reminder of mortality’s 

painful relationship to transcendence: 

I stared down at this dusty necklace, the debris of a thousand 

automobile accidents. Within fifty years, as more and more cars 

collided here, the glass fragments would form a sizable bar, within 

thirty years a beach of sharp crystal. A new race of beachcombers 

might appear, squatting on these heaps of fractured 

windshields, sifting them for cigarette butts, spent condoms and 

loose coins. Buried beneath this new geological layer laid down by 

the age of the automobile accident would be my own small death, 

as anonymous as a vitrified scar in a fossil tree. (Ballard, 1975: 47) 

Crash’s pornographic depiction of disaster-footage thus points to 

television (and to its multimedia heirs) as that vector of violence 

that ultimately—or should that be soon?—replace the asphalt roads 

as the biggest killer in industrialized nations. Fully aware of the 

possibilities facing the next generation, Ballard ensures that 

“Vaughan’s transgressive car crashes have been superseded by the 

kinetic appropriation of cyberspace” (Bukatman 294). 

What does this mean for someone in front of a computer screen 

rather than behind a windscreen? What happens when we are so 

fused with the machine that it does not so much shatter around us, 

but inside us, as part of us? Just as Ballard’s vision of Autogeddon 

anticipates its own updating in Neal Stephenson’s concept of the 

Infocalypse, the macro-spectacle of Crash becomes the micromillennial 

meltdown of Snow Crash. 

Snow Crash and Scopophilia 


Hiro’s father, who was stationed in Japan for many years, was 

obsessed with cameras. He kept bringing them back from his stints 

in the Far East, encased in many protective layers, so that when he


took them out to show Hiro, it was like watching an exquisite 

striptease as they emerged from all that black leather and nylon, 

zippers and straps. And once the lens was finally exposed, pure 

geometric equation made real, so powerful and vulnerable at once, 

Hiro could only think it was like nuzzling through skirts and lingerie 

and outer labia and inner labia . . . . It made him feel naked 

and weak and brave. 

Neal Stephenson, Snow Crash (23) 

Vaughan is rarely seen without a camera. It is the conductive medium 

through which all his abject obsessions flow. In our society of 

the spectacle, the camera is the essential scopophilic tool. The narrator 

of Crash remembers Vaughan at night with “nervous young 

women in the crushed rear compartments of abandoned cars in 

breakers’ yards, and their photographs in the postures of uneasy 

sex acts. Their tight faces and strained thighs were lit by his 

polaroid flash, like startled survivors of a submarine disaster” (7). 15 

Vaughan’s fetishistic universe produces, “magnified sections of 

lip and eyebrow, elbow and cleavage [that] formed a broken mosaic” 

(ibid.). He uses celluloid to cut women up in the sinister simulation 

of car accidents. Discussing the crucial role of the camera in 

Crash, Baudrillard notes that “the added depth and the raising of 

the visual medium to the second order can, by itself, suffice to fuse 

together technology, sex and death” (1991: 317). 

In the epigraph to this section, the protagonist of Stephenson’s 

Snow Crash (appropriately named Hiro Protagonist) not only 

fetishizes the camera, but deflects the gaze back onto the site of its 

own production. This maneuver is the same as that made by Des 

Esseintes in A Rebours when he eroticizes the train instead of the 

journey. As a child of the spectacular society, Hiro discovers the 

metapleasures of lens-lust. His world is the twenty-first century, 

and thus Hiro takes for granted both the flattening of emotion and 

the two-dimensional bodies of the photographed. In the urban 

metropolis, the sign itself is paramount, so that the sexy billboardbody 

is experienced as more real than the model’s “actual” fleshand-blood 

body. “The generation by [super]models of a real without 

origin or reality” (Baudrillard in Ruddick 360) thus enables the 

hyperreal to erase the real. 

Here we see the conditions that culminate in “death fashion” 

(as discussed in chapter 6). This convergence between nihilism and 

capitalism recalls Virilio’s assertion that “to link beauty and murder 

is to create an impasse, a no-way-out situation; it is to stimulate 

the desire to destroy the world, to ‘finish it off’” (1995: 19). An

84 


example of this millenarian trend in the marketplace is a 1995 

advertisement for Diesel Clothing, which depicts a four-car pileup. 

All the victims are young, attractive, impeccably dressed, and 

strewn over the road in various states of death or injury. 

Kathleen Woodward has noted the “beguiling, almost mesmerizing 

relationship between the progressive vanishing of the 

body . . . and the hypervisuality of both the society of the spectacle 

and . . . the psychic world of cyberspace” (Sobchack, 1995: 

211). Snow Crash acknowledges this relationship by introducing 

the simulated bodies of “avatars” in virtual space before dragging 

the narrative back into the real world of the flesh. Stephenson 

thus replaces Gibson’s Cyberspace with the Metaverse. In this 

more pragmatic and prosaic rendering of tomorrow’s Internet, 

hackers are no longer merely disembodied digital flows. Instead, 

they strut around as avatars—software simulations of their own 

bodies in varying degrees of likeness, depending on how much 

they can afford and how good they are at programming. 

In a time when human roadkill litter the privatized streets, the 

Metaverse is a virtual space with relative freedom of movement. 

When it was first designed, computer-literate people treated the 

Metaverse as a cyberplayground or electronic Eden, and continued to 

do so until the general public began to infiltrate their final frontier: 

[O]nce the Metaverse began to fill up with obstacles that you could 

run into, the job of traveling across it at high speed suddenly 

became more interesting. Maneuverability became an issue. Size 

became an issue. Hiro and Da5id and the rest of them began to 

switch away from the enormous, bizarre vehicles they had favored 

at first—Victorian houses on tank treads, rolling ocean liners, milewide 

crystalline spheres, flaming chariots drawn by dragons —in 

favor of small maneuverable vehicles. Motorcycles basically. (354) 

At first the Metaverse is likened to Paradise before the Fall. 

What destroys it is not an apple but a hypercard, a contaminated 

piece of software which, once “opened” by the avatar of a hacker, 

infects the binary “bio-ware” of the brain, and spectacularly 

“snow-crashes” their system. The snow-crash virus is a bit-map, 

“a series of white and black pixels, where white represents zero 

and black represents one” (351). Consequently, computer programmers 

are particularly vulnerable, since years of binary coding 

have formed deeply dichotomous structures in their neocortexes. 

As one character notes, “The corporate assembly line hackers 

are suckers for infection. They’re going to go down by the 

thousands, just like Sennacherib’s army before the walls of 

Jerusalem” (126). 

(The concept of “language as a virus,” on which William


Bourroughs based his oeuvre, is as old as The Iliad, which describes 

Proteus as sending Bellerophon to Lycia with “signs of disastrous 

meaning, many lethal marks that he wrote in a folded tablet, and 

told him to show them to his father-in-law, to ensure his death” 

(Virilio, 1995: 27). Gibson’s Black Ice security software—a “kind of 

neural-feedback weapon”—also kills those who come into contact 

with it like “some hideous Word that eats the mind from the inside 

out” (1995: 210). 

The disastrous effects of this snow-crash virus confirms 

Schivelbusch’s observation that the more efficient the technology, 

the more catastrophic its destruction when it collapses (133). Hiro 

meditates on the implications of an impending digital plague: 

It serves them right, he realizes now. They made the place too vulnerable. 

They figured that the worst thing that could happen was 

that a virus might get transferred into your computer and force 

you to ungoggle and reboot your system. Maybe destroy a little 

data if you were stupid enough not to install any medicine. 

Therefore, the Metaverse is wide open and undefended, like airports 

in the days before bombs and metal detectors, like elementary 

schools in the days before maniacs with assault rifles. (351) 

Before the advent of snow-crash, victims of a (virtual) fatal situation 

would be kicked off the system and then have to cope with the 

bother of logging on again. This was the closest simulation of death 

in the Metaverse. But once the snow-crash virus has been introduced, 

the phrase “my system crashed” acquires more sinister 

implications. For when your computer crashes, so does your brain. 

The logical outcome of such a symbiotic relationship is what 

Bukatman calls a “terminal identity”: 

If Hiro reaches out and takes the hypercard, then the data it represents 

will be transferred from this guy’s system into Hiro’s computer. 

Hiro, naturally, wouldn’t touch it under any circumstances, 

any more than you would take a free syringe from a stranger in 

Times Square and jab it into your neck . . . 

“Does it fuck up your brain?” Hiro says. “Or your computer?” 

“Both. Neither. What’s the difference?” (44) 

In realizing the catastrophic potential of software, Stephenson 

not only complements Virilio’s vision of the computer as a bomb, but 

also continues the genealogy that links steam to electricity. “At the 

beginning,” says a systems and software engineer, “anyone who 

could weld metal was putting steam engines together and they 

were exploding and killing people all over the place. There was no 

science of metallurgy. Software is in that phase now” (Robotham

86 


12). Stephenson depicts the next step, at which software becomes 

dangerous not because of accidents, but because it can be used by 

terrorists, thereby viewing the Internet as a potential parasite 

preying on the human nervous system. Snow Crash thus fulfills 

Crash’s urge to meld with the machine, and shows how this leaves 

us vulnerable to our own perverted infections. 

So what exactly is “snow crash,” and where does it come from? In constructing 

a complex and layered genealogy throughout his book, 

Stephenson traces the history of European civilization and language 

back to a Sumerian “metavirus.” Transmitted through language and 

culture, it also resides physically inside the brain like the herpes 

virus. On account of its Darwinian resilience, the metavirus comes in 

many forms, including its newest incarnation in digital binary code: 

the snow crash. It is thus the “the atomic bomb of informational warfare—a 

virus that causes any system to infect itself with new viruses” 

(200). Stephenson reconciles the biological with the semiotic by 

routing transmission through the eyes and into the brain. In doing 

so, he opposes Descartes’s cyborg cheerleaders, reminding us that the 

consequences of technology are always suffered by human bodies, no 

matter how neglected, despised, and denied. 

Scientists often wonder where virulent strains go when they 

are not wreaking havoc on the general populace. A case in point is 

the Ebola virus, which emerges every few years only to “disappear” 

again completely. Stephenson’s metavirus lies dormant in that 

reservoir of ur-language, the universal biological communication 

code. This ur-language can be accessed or unleashed through “glossolalia,” 

or speaking in tongues: “The twentieth century’s mass 

media, high literacy rates, and high-speed transportation all served 

as superb vectors for the infection. In a packed revival hall or a 

Third World refugee encampment, glossolalia spread from one person 

to the next as fast as panic” (403). 16 

Such virulence questions the plausibility of our own survival. 

If this metavirus has been with us since the Sumerians, why 

haven’t we been wiped out already? What has spared us from 

“Infocalypse”? Stephenson’s theory resembles Baudrillard’s paradoxical 

belief that a plague cannot survive by “totaling” a system— 

if a virus is 100 percent virulent it will become extinct for lack of a 

host. Humanity’s natural immunity to the metavirus is provided by 

“the Babel factor”: 

Like mass hysteria. Or a tune that gets into your head that you 

keep on humming all day until you spread it to someone else. 

Jokes. Urban legends. Crackpot religions. Marxism. No matter 

how smart we get, there is always this deep irrational part that 

makes us potential hosts for self-replicating information . . . .


The only thing that keeps these things from taking over the world 

is the Babel factor – the walls of mutual incomprehension that 

compartmentalize the human race and stop the spread of viruses. 

(400) 

Both the metavirus, and language itself, thus spread through 

society by means of glossolalia, blood transfusions, and fiber-optic 

cables. The snow-crash strain, transmitted electronically through the 

twenty-first-century Internet, is therefore susceptible to “accidents” 

as defined by Norman Tabachnick, M.D. and his colleagues in the 

case of car-crashes: “An accident involves a transfer of physical (or 

chemical, or thermal, or electrical) energy between two separate 

reservoirs of energy,” they write. “People . . . can be damaged or 

destroyed when something without much resilience hits them with 

great force or when something very hot or highly charged with electrical 

energy comes into contact with them” (xii). 

Snow crash falls within the bounds of such a definition: “Snow 

crash is computer lingo. It means a system crash—a bug—at such 

a fundamental level that it frags the part of the computer that controls 

the electron beam in the monitor, making it spray wildly 

across the screen, turning the perfect gridwork of pixels into a 

gyrating blizzard” (42). This recalls Ballard’s description of 

Vaughan’s “semen emptying across the luminescent dials that registered 

forever the last temperature and fuel levels of the engine” 

(1975: 6). Both writers portray digital disfunction and biological 

excess in ejaculatory terms; Ballard literally, and Stephenson 

metaphorically (a particularly significant point if we recall 

Derrida’s libidinal reading of Revelation). 

Within the logic of the narrative, the Babel factor thus plays 

the same role in Snow Crash as the accident does in Crash. It 

impedes “incessant circulation” by functioning like a spermicide 

to prevent the dissemination of information. Yet since hackers of 

all nations speak the same language (if in different dialects), the 

Babel factor cannot protect the Metaverse. As Baudrillard warns, 

“virtual languages” are ways of reinventing “anti-Babel, the universal 

language, the true Babylon, where all languages are confounded 

and prostituted one to another” (1996: 90-91). The possibility 

of highway Autogeddon is thus mirrored by the immanence 

of superhighway Infocalypse.

88 


Cyborgies in the Dionysian Landscape 

[T]he virtual camera is in our heads. No need of a medium 

to reflect our problems in real time: every existence is 

telepresent to itself. 

Baudrillard (1996: 26) 

Now, not everyone has the good fortune to be a machine. 


One advantage of cybersex—acknowledged by critics and supporters 

alike—is its apparent immunity to Sexually Transmitted 

Diseases. Yet the existence of computer viruses suggests that this 

may be just another conceptual Eden waiting for its Fall. If a snowcrash-like 

virus were to become a reality, then cybersex would carry 

all the risks of bodily contacts. Such a possibility plugs into those 

tales of mass contagion that have inspired millennial fever from the 

Earl of Shaftesbury to Stephenson. 

Consider Ng, another Snow Crash character. He was severely 

injured in a helicopter crash during the Vietnam war, and now 

spends his whole life inside an enormous truck that roams the highways 

and byways of the post-Ballardian landscape. Whereas 

Vaughan experienced psycho-symbiosis with his vehicle, Ng has 

actually merged with his truck in a cyborg relationship of interdependency: 

“Where the driver’s seat ought to be, there is a sort of 

neoprene pouch about the size of a garbage can suspended from the 

ceiling by a web of straps, shock cords, tubes, wires, fiber-optic 

cables, and hydraulic lines” (225). Living inside this pouch like 

some kind of cyber-marsupial, Ng terrorizes the roads in the tradition 

of Convoy (1978) and Mad Max: Road Warrior (1979). “America 

is wonderful because you can get anything on a drive-thru basis,” 

he remarks. “So this vehicle is much better than a tiny pathetic 

wheelchair. It is an extension of my body” (226). 

To recall Des Esseintes’s “virtual chair” is to clarify the links 

between imagination and artifice, scopophilia and technology. 

According to Rodolphe Gasché, Des Esseintes occupies a world in 

which he “can withdraw from all aggressions and solidly sensual 

acts, a world where sensuous desires are satisfied by illusions and 

ingenious trickery, which alter in turn the nature of these desires 

themselves” (194—my emphasis). Prosthetically enhanced, Ng is 

heir to Des Esseintes’s armchair, while his pouch allows him 

access to the Metaverse, where he frequents a Japanese harem.


His crippled torso floats in some kind of “pleasure gel,” which simulates 

the movements of his virtual concubines. Luckily for him, 

Ng was never a hacker, and so is not susceptible to the snow-crash 

virus. For now at least, he can indulge in his cybersexual fantasies 

without fear of contagion. 

The prospect of human beings in different parts of the world 

dressed in teledildonic data-suits and thrusting into empty air 

strikes many people as both pathetic and surreal. Nevertheless, it 

has inflamed the erotic imaginations of such diverse groups as corporate 

designers, filmmakers, postmodern theorists, compulsive 

onanists, and cyber-Dionysians (plus combinations thereof). Gerard 

Van Der Leun calls sex “a virus that almost always infects new 

technology first” (Dery, 218). This view is confirmed by Mike Saenz, 

who designs X-rated and interactive CD-ROMS. “Lust motivates 

technology,” he says. “The first personal robots, let’s face it, are not 

going to be bought to bring people drinks” (ibid.). 

The 1987 science-fiction movie, Cherry 2000, takes its title 

from a technologically sophisticated pleasure-cyborg, whose lack of 

conversational skills is compensated for by the best sexual technique 

that Silicon Valley has to offer. According to one particularly 

sleazy character, her behavior in the bedroom is “like slammin’ an 

octopus.” Not being waterproof, she unfortunately short-circuits 

during a particularly amorous encounter with her “husband,” Sam 

Treadwell, on the sud-soaked kitchen floor: “sorry kid, total internal 

meltdown.” Although he could buy any replacement model he 

chooses—the Bambi 14 (“brand new, never been used”) or the Cindy 

990 (“strictly domestic actually . . . below the waist, no-man’s 

land”) —Sam romanticizes about the Cherry 2000, believing himself 

to be in love with her “intangible” qualities. Unfortunately he 

must go into the Lawless Zone in order to retrieve another compatible 

synthetic body before he can install her microchip—that tiny 

disc on which her (albeit limited) personality is digitally encoded. 

Cherry 2000 thus extends James Ballard’s description of his 

wife’s (presumably nonsilicon) breasts as prime examples of “soft 

technology” (27). 17 Twenty-first-century urban mating-rituals are 

portrayed as highly mediated: every sexual encounter between 

actual humans is computer-simulated beforehand, and then agreed 

to on a contractual basis. Needless to say, spontaneity is one of the 

first casualties of this artificial, alienating, and legally binding system. 

Real women are presented as alternatively confrontational, 

shrill, or demanding, which is why Sam Treadwell believes in the 

relative authenticity, not to mention the 1950s’ compliance, of his 

Cherry 2000. 

The link between women and technology in the masculinist 

imaginary, discussed by McLuhan in his chapter, “Motorcar: The

90 


Mechanical Bride,” from Understanding Media (1974), is thematized 

as the film unfolds. The sex-bot’s body is referred to as “the chassis,” 

while one particular model – praised for its “craftsmanship, diskdrive 

and pelvic-roll” evokes nostalgia for the days “when Detroit still 

cared.” To mention the car capital of America in the context of computer 

hardware is to emphasize not only the symbolic affiliation 

between these two technologies but also the libidinal investments 

that sustain and articulate their more mundane applications. 

Although the Cherry 2000 is an “advanced” fantasy in the 1980s, in 

the year 2017 she has become “a thing of the past . . . . They don’t 

make ‘em like this anymore.” The temporal slippage effected by this 

futuristic anachronism is to remind us that, with the right tools and 

technology, the mode of reproduction can create works of art 

which—contra Benjamin—actually do have the aura of originals. 

Although present technology is not yet advanced enough to 

produce a Cherry-like cyborg, that goal is already on the agenda of 

today’s marketeers. The “RealDoll” web site offers glorified blow-up 

dolls, made out of silicon and articulated steel skeletons, for around 

$4,500. They have names like Stacy and Julie, and according to the 

company’s feedback-section perform miracles in the bedroom. After 

allegedly having sex on air with his RealDoll, the radio personality 

Howard Stern echoed Sam Treadwell’s feelings on this matter: 

“Best sex I ever had! I swear to god! This RealDoll feels better than 

a real woman! She’s fantastic! I love her!” (http://www.realdoll.com). 

René Descartes himself allegedly owned a female automaton 

called “Francine”, however we’ll never know the feelings he had for 

his proto-Cherry. It is possible, however, that Sam is negotiating 

the same philosophical problems concerning sexuality, identity, 

knowledge, and truth. To his detractors, Sam insists that “there 

was romance” in his sexual encounters with his cybernetic companion, 

who had “a dreamlike quality about her.” The film’s ultimate 

message, however—conveyed through Sam’s protracted 

seduction by E. Johnson, the “real” female tracker—is that “there’s 

a lot more to love than hotwiring.” 

Such new configurations of libidinal technology provoke many 

questions concerning authenticity, morality, and mediation. For 

instance, what would Vaughan have made of virtual reality and 

cybersex? Would he have used it to exploit his autoerotic fantasies, 

crashing again and again into an avatar of Elizabeth Taylor in 

order to experience it from every possible angle without actually 

dying? His love of car-porn suggests that he would. 

Long before the term cybersex was coined, Ballard (with customary 

prescience) expressed his belief


that organic sex, body against body, skin area against skin area, is 

becoming no longer possible, simply because if anything is to have 

any meaning for us it must take place in terms of the values and 

experiences of the media landscape, the violent landscape—this 

sort of Dionysiac landscape of the 1970s . . . . We’ve got to recognize 

that what one sees through the window of the TV screen is 

as important as what one sees through a window on the street 

(Juno et al. 157). 

This Dionysiac landscape has only intensified from the 1970s to the 

present, so that people are still obsessed with Ballard’s famous 

equation, “sex times technology equals the future” (ibid.: 164). 

Ballard thus saw the car-crash as a “liberation of human and 

machine libido,” completing the cathartic function of the media. 

The sterile bloodletting that is screened (in both senses) daily in our 

lounge-rooms then swivels between Sadean and Bataillean versions 

of simulated sacrifice. Ballard goes on to raise “the possibility 

of Vietnam having some good effects, or of car crashes serving a 

useful purpose within the societal organism, or of a purgative 

aspect to the assassination of public figures, just as there used to be 

in ancient ritual murders, and always has been in the death of 

charismatic figures” (ibid.: 154). 

The most famous car crash of the century killed Princess 

Diana. When news broke—in the pre-millennial year of 1997—that 

the princess had died in a Mercedes Benz speeding at 196 kilometres 

per hour, shockwaves extended through the fiber-optic tentacles 

of the mass media. The first news reports were an unconscious 

herald that Autogeddon had finally arrived. Blame focused initially 

on the paparazzi, who chased her and billionaire boyfriend, Dodi 

Al Fayed, into the treacherous Parisian tunnel; and this anger was 

maintained despite the revelation that the chauffeur had been both 

criminally drunk and unlicensed at the time. Public anger soon 

fused with guilt as the realization dawned on the people that their 

insatiable appetite for pictures of the princess had fed the supplyand-demand 

spiral that eventually hounded the princess to death. 

In the first few days after the accident, self-flagellation by 

both the media and the public became part of the mourning 

process. What Haraway has called “the deeply predatory nature of 

a photographic consciousness” (1985: 89) rebounded back on to the 

global readership: the sacrifice had left blood on the hands of 

everyone but the “innocent” princess. Seeing that Diana was the 

most photographed person on the planet, the Chinese maxim, “to 

have your picture taken shortens your life” seemed to have come to 

its logical conclusion. 

Any notion that the princess’s death was cathartic, had “some 

good effects,” or was the source of “collective satisfaction”

92 


(Baudrillard, 1993: 165), would be reviled by the millions of mourners 

at her state funeral in London. There is little doubt, however, that 

the scopophilic logic that helped cause the accident in the first place 

reverberated on a symbolic level throughout the following months 

during media autopsies of the event. Rolls of film snapped seconds 

after the moment of impact were said to capture a “beautiful” 

princess, trapped like a dying swan in the shell of twisted metal and 

shattered glass. In fact, Ballard’s novel prefigures this cyber-Ophelia 

in depicting a female crash victim around whom “the entire car had 

deformed itself . . . in a gesture of homage” (93). Although, these 

photos were boycotted by magazines and newspapers fearful of an 

inevitable backlash, some of them were to surface in tabloids published 

outside England. They instantly acquired a mythical status 

and abject power over the nation: the masses were going to pay for 

their murderous curiosity by resisting the perverse pleasure of seeing 

their princess’s terminal portrait. 

Vaughan would no doubt have eroticized Diana’s demise even 

more passionately than Jayne Mansfield’s, for all the elements of 

his obsession were present in a heightened and hyperreal form. 

Unlike the crashes of James Dean, Albert Camus, or Princess 

Grace, the camera-eye was on the scene immediately—and not only 

as a witness, but as a major contributing factor. Its probing lens 

was pressed up to what little glass remained, finally snapping the 

trapped princess—perfectly still, perfectly compliant—in close-up: 

in death, the perfect model. 

The speed of information, the speed of capital, and the speed of 

libidinal projection coalesced in the princess’s sacrifice to her 

scopophilic subjects. In Ballard’s terms, this crash was effectively 

willed into being by the unconscious groundswell of thanatic desire 

and erotic anxiety. For although the pornographic subtext of 

Diana’s death was not acknowledged by either staunch royalists or 

by the chastised tabloids, it was taken for granted by the explosion 

of Internet sex-sites that first claimed to have the grisly paparazzi 

pictures (only to admit that they were just trying to attract attention 

to their banal wares). And those photographs continue to circulate, 

invisible or obscured, like Bataille’s accursed share within 

Baudrillard’s symbolic economy. 

Virilio discusses the psychic crisis provided by Virtual Reality technologies, 

which create the impression that one could throw away 

one’s eyes “and still be able to see.” Because “we haven’t adjusted 

yet, we are forgetting our body, we are losing it. This is the accident 

of the body” (Wilson). Nowadays, “the creation of a virtual image is 

a form of accident. This explains why virtual reality is a cosmic 

accident. It’s the accident of the real” (ibid.). Hence, in our search


for continuity we have thus gone beyond simulation, and split the 

real into “actual” and “virtual” dimensions: a profound existential 

break. Not content with splitting the atom—the very building 

blocks of matter—we also bisect real time, the fabric of consciousness. 

Can it be a coincidence that both occur at the end of the millennium? 

The information age therefore operates with two dominant 

scopic models or metaphors for Western culture. One can be represented 

by the climactic scene of 2001: A Space Odyssey (1968), the 

other by the United States’ “smart bombs” of the Gulf War. The first 

shows a close-up of the astronaut Dave Bowman’s eye as he is bombarded 

by images and information. (The vehicle he is traveling in is 

also ocular in shape.) He emerges through this experience, like 

Marinetti, an evolved being, having climbed up the next rung of 

humanity through a transcendent velocity. The second model is a 

camera-eye, which processes information right up to the moment it 

crashes and explodes. As Judith Butler notes, these weapons are 

a bomb with a camera attached in front, a kind of optical phallus; 

it relays that film back to a command control and that film is 

refilmed on television, effectively constituting the television 

screen and its viewer as the extended apparatus of the bomb itself. 

In this sense, by viewing we are bombing, identified with both 

bomber and bomb, flying through space, transported from the 

North American continent to Iraq, and yet securely wedged in the 

couch in one’s own living room. (11) 

As our fragile mammal brains try to decode signals beamed at us 

with increasing speed and accuracy, we find ourselves subject increasingly 

to Nordau’s “organic wear and tear.” Every generation believes 

that it stands at the apex of a culture that is accelerating exponentially. 

In the early eighteenth century, The Earl of Shaftesbury 

observed the negative pressure exerted “when the Ideas or Images 

received are too big for the narrow human vessel to contain” (53). 

Like us, information wants to be free—free to crash in a thanatic, 

ecstatic and orgiastic confusion. “When everything rushes at 

man,” writes Virilio, 

man-the-target is assailed on all sides, and our only salvation now 

is to be found in illusion, in flight from the reality of the moment, 

from the loss of free will whose advent Pascal evoked when he 

wrote, “Our senses cannot perceive extremes. Too much noise 

deafens us, too much light dazzles . . . . Extreme qualities are 

our enemies. We no longer feel anything; we suffer.” (1995: 132) 

Take, for instance, Kathryn Bigelow’s movie, Strange Days

94 


(1995). The harrowing rape scene—in which a woman is forced to 

experience the subjectivity of her murderer through VR technology 

—relates to the “smart bomb” or Princess Diana model of culture. 

Needless to say, it is the more nihilistic perspective. In this 

scene—which is essentially a reprise of Michael Powell’s Peeping 

Tom (1960)—we witness the apocalyptic convergence of Ballard 

and Bataille. 

The latter, whose most famous work followed a disembodied eye, 

did not address the violence of technologically mediated eroticism, 

whereas Ballard (who put the car into carnage and carnality) has 

prepared us for this terminal point in our “civilization.” In Bigelow’s 

metavoyeuristic rape scene, suicide and homicide, narcissism and 

onanism, converge in a libidinal feedback-loop that ultimately leads 

to the fragging of identity and the brain-fry of snow crash. 

Virilio emphasizes the fact that although “people make fun of 

cybersex . . . it’s really something to take into account: it is a 

drama, a split of the human being!” (Wilson). Strange Days is one 

of the first popular films to explore the implications of such a split. 

It follows one day in the life of Lenny, a dealer in SQID 

(Superconducting Quantum Interference Devices), who peddles 

real-life experiences recorded with highly sophisticated Pan-sensory 

equipment. These enable the (usually male) customer to virtually 

rob a store or become an eighteen-year-old girl taking a shower. 

His sales pitch insists that “[t]his is not like TV only better. This is 

life, it’s a piece of somebody’s life. It’s pure and uncut, straight from 

the cerebral cortex. I mean you’re there, you’re doing it, you’re seeing 

it . . . hearing it . . . feeling it. I’m the magic-man, the Santa 

Claus of the subconscious.” Or as sceptics tell him, “You sell porno 

to wire-heads.” 

Bukatman has discussed the phenomenon of image addiction, 

which he believes “might be regarded as a primary symptom of terminal 

identity” (26). Indeed, he believes such intense dependence 

has become “the very condition of existence in postmodern culture” 

(69). The desperate behavior of Lenny’s clients in Strange Days supports 

Burroughs’s claim that the “[i]mage is a form of junk, an addictive 

substance that controls its user” (Bukatman 75). The consequences 

of “scoring,” however, simultaneously display the millennial 

fear of penetration and infection: the image as both drug and 

virus. This “cybrid” seems to mutate in the public unconscious as 

fast as those postantibiotic superbugs in our oversterilized hospitals. 

The events in Strange Days occur not on an ordinary day but 

on New Year’s Eve, 1999—an appropriate time for Virilio’s “big 

accident.” Most of Lenny’s customers (and indeed Lenny himself) 

forego the adrenaline rush of law-breaking for the dionysian


rewards of orgiastic “experiences.” The anchors of traditional 

morality begin to break loose with the advent of such disorienting 

technology. The popularity of these secondhand sexual transgressions, 

and the irrational violence they unleash, suggests that hitech 

progress has no trouble in outstripping ethics or “civilized” 

behavior. Once again, Pan is the goat in the machine (or so Bigelow 

would lead us to believe). 

Strange Days supports Ballard’s theory that if “violence, like 

pornography, is some kind of evolutionary standby system, a lastresort 

device for throwing a wild joker into the game,” then a 

“widespread taste for pornography means that nature is alerting 

us to some threat of extinction” (Juno et al. 156). If so, we have the 

key coordinates of libidinal millenarianism, whereby a resurgent 

nature—traditionally represented by Pan (or Pan-like tricksters)—will 

escape from technological repression. As we shall soon 

see, A Rebours’ Des Esseintes demonstrates his antagonism to 

nature by retreating into the virtual world of vicarious sensory 

experience. His fantasies are not explicitly libidinal because he is 

already tired of the libertine lifestyle. He lives after the orgy. The 

characters of Strange Days, on the other hand, are determined to 

recreate, rewind, and replay the elusive orgy, looking for answers 

to the future within its sadistic choreography. 

Ballard again documents the implications of technological 

transgression: 

For the first time it will become truly possible to explore extensively 

and in depth the psychopathology of one’s own life without 

fear of moral condemnation . . . . Many, perhaps most of these, 

need to be expressed in concrete forms, and their expression at 

present gets people into trouble. One can think of a million examples, 

but if your deviant impulses push you in the direction of 

molesting old ladies, or cutting girls’ pigtails off in bus queues, 

then, quite rightly, you find yourself in the local magistrates court 

if you succumb to them . . . . But with the new multi-media 

potential of your own computerized TV studio, where limitless 

simulations can be played out in totally convincing style, one will 

be able to explore, in a wholly benign and harmless way, every 

type of impulse. (ibid.: 159) 

The moral of Strange Days, however, is that such technology—far 

from being “wholly benign and harmless”—encourages violence 

against women in both realms. Ballard does not anticipate a blurring 

of the boundaries between actual and virtual realities: he 

assumes not only that they will remain discrete, but that we will be 

able to experience them as such. Consequently, Virilio’s digital accident 

has enormous implications for our understanding of trans-

96 


gression and how it relates to the artificial. For when virtual reality 

becomes more powerful than actual reality, every transgression 

will have to be reassessed—legally, ethically, and metaphysically. 

In a transgressive act, whether real or simulated, the subject 

experiences a tearing of the self, and briefly inhabits a liminal and 

unstable psychic space. Although the murder-rape scene in Strange 

Days causes nausea and panic in those who view it through the 

SQID, they nevertheless watch it to the end. Like the viewer of 

“smart bomb” technology, they are captivated by their “own” 

destruction. This is the ultimate thanatic asymptote. 

In one of his Doom Patrols (1997), Steven Shaviro states that 

the Apocalypse 

may be called virtual (as when we speak of “virtual images”) 

rather than actual, since it affects not the immediate experiential 

world but “the soul of the world, the world’s dream of itself.” But 

such a virtual event is perfectly real, as Deleuze repeatedly says, 

even if it isn’t actual; the psychic apocalypse, like a neutron bomb, 

may leave physical structures untouched, but it turns human society 

into a collection of “dead shells, zombie cultures, shambling 

aimlessly towards oblivion.” 

Ballard’s Crash anticipates its adaptation to the digital landscapes 

of the information revolution in the sense that virtual perception— 

whether through drugs or SQID trodes—are depicted as Trojan 

Horses that we willingly admit into our minds. A different drug, 

LSD, is taken by James Ballard to heighten his perception of 

impending impact: “This hyper-irritation reminded me of my own 

long recovery from a bad acid trip some years earlier, when I had 

felt for months afterwards as if a vent of hell had opened momentarily 

in my mind, as if the membranes of my brain had been 

exposed in some appalling crash” (165). 

Many characters in Strange Days have a snow-crash-like ending 

to their image addiction, with their brains frying like eggs. The 

utopian promises of virtual reality are hijacked and warped into 

dystopian forms in the backstreets of Los Angeles, as an urge to 

transcend the limits of the self gives way to the violation of others. 

The implicit moral of Strange Days has the same heavily gendered 

liberal-humanistic agenda as Cherry 2000’s ultimatum: choose 

between the robobabe and the “real” woman. Both films thus 

romanticize unmediated sexual congress, displaying a nostalgia for 

skin against skin. As Baudrillard says, “contact (as in lenses)” 

(1990: 56). As if recalling Franz Kafka’s apocalyptic vision of “souls 

who no longer have eyes but only eye sockets” (Virilio, 1995: 157), 

or the effects of the meteor-shower in John Wyndham’s Day of the 

Triffids, these morality tales for the society of the spectacle dis-

pense the traditional Victorian warning: “stop it, or you’ll go blind.” 

Carmageddon 


The Pope will, of course, not have a hip like God made, but 

one that a bio-engineer made. 

Gianfranco Fineschi: orthopedic surgeon 

(Big Issue, London, May 1994: 4) 

Premises of the Machine Age.—The press, the machine, the 

railway, the telegraph are premises whose thousand-year 

conclusion no one yet has dared draw. 

Nietzsche’s diary, 1880 (Waite 153) 

I began this chapter by documenting some early reactions to train 

travel and to its perceived physical and mental stresses on the 

human organism. Nordau, for instance, attributed the “degeneration” 

of European stock partly to the unprecedented speed and 

potential violence of traveling by train. I have traced this thanatic 

asymptote to the primal scene of the accident, where the apocalyptic 

orgy lurks within the telos of techné. 

Techné—Martin Heidegger’s “danger that saves”—seems both 

more dangerous and closer to salvation in the symbolic space of our 

information age. As framed by Don DeLillo’s White Noise (1985), 

“This is the whole point of technology. It creates an appetite for 

immortality on the one hand. It threatens universal extinction on 

the other. Technology is lust removed from nature” (285). As we 

reinternalize technology, we find that the natural and the artificial 

fuse once again—this time in the dionysian flux of (snow) crash. In 

this context, each new generation of the apocalyptic code is constricted 

by the flaws and bugs of the one before. 

As I write there is a computer-game on the market called 

“Carmageddon”, in which the object is to kill as many people as possible. 

Extra points are awarded for spectacular multiple homicides, 

and for sideswiping aged pedestrians. It is an antisocial example of 

Hakim Bey’s Temporary Autonomous Zone, a virtual place in which 

people can enact ethically unsound urges without fear of the law. As 

an adrenaline-fueled footnote to Ballard’s novel, it is the latest in a 

long line of decadent texts that “satyrize” the innuendo locked within 

technology’s “standing reserve.” The trick is to know when to 

save, before the game crashes itself and erases any evidence of

98 


progress. 

If Pan is the goat in the machine, as I have repeatedly claimed, 

then he represents a digital refiguration of the Sadean perspective 

of nature—nature as mandate and prohibition, Eros and Thanatos, 

liberator and oppressor, master and servant. This premise does 

more than merely reconcile apparent opposites. It recognizes the 

impossibility of being “against nature.” One can only be against 

human nature, that is to say, culture. 

Each of the texts I have examined might be considered as a 

trace of DNA found on the corpse of God. From this molecular 

Dionysian-Nietzschean ambience, we can reconstruct a crime that 

rages against history, and yet constitutes the compost for its renewal. 

Ironically, the fearful anticipation of an apocalyptic end is thus 

the engine of history itself, which continues on its way like the battered 

participants in a crash derby. 

The amnesiacal journalist, Steve Erickson, has written that 

“technology is the only faith remaining after politics and religion 

have betrayed us.” Technology and sex will continue to converge 

“until a vague new sexual gestalt infiltrates the labyrinth of all our 

libidos, including those of us who stay the fuck away from the 

Internet” (53). The redemptive potential of technology, however, is 

less important than the epiphany created by its spectacular crash. 

This is why the blockbuster movie, Speed (1994), struck such a 

chord with audiences: it was a metaphor for their lives in a 

Kamikaze Culture, in which to dip below fifty miles an hour is to 

explode (see also Joseph Natoli’s Speeding to the Millennium on 

this point). The task of the average young urbanite is to steer the 

deadly projectile of existence into “the highways of the mind” 

(McLuhan, 1974: 113). Yet even though we remain glued to our 

ergonomic chairs and seventeen-inch computer screens, physically 

not going anywhere at all, we nevertheless demand speed. We pay 

large sums of money to upgrade our processing speed, to buy more 

time so we don’t have to stare at Microsoft’s hourglass-cursor, which 

reminds us of our mortality by keeping us in digital limbo. As 

Baudrillard has said, “[a]t more than a hundred miles an hour, 

there’s a presumption of eternity” (Ross 21).

4 

Decaying Forward: 

Satiety and Society 

Thunder against it. Complain that it is not poetic. Call it a 

period of transition and decadence. 

Gustave Flaubert’s entry for “Epoch (our)” 

in his Dictionary of Received Ideas 

In history as in nature, the rotten is the laboratory of life. 

99 

Karl Marx (Weiss, 90) 

One of the most valuable documents about the nineteenth-century 

fin de siècle is Max Nordau’s wide-ranging polemic, Degeneration. 

Published in German in 1892 as Entartung, and translated into 

English three years later, this book champions the progressivist liberal-humanism 

of its author against such classic decadent texts as 

J.-K. Huysmans’s A Rebours. Offering a basic taxonomy of “degenerates,” 

it classifies these “aberrant” people as either “mystics” or 

“egomaniacs,” and identifies them as enemies of the Enlightenment 

project. The degenerate is treated with a clinical eye for dissection 

and diagnosis (indeed, Nordau was a physician). If we consider the 

Victorian context of his observations, it should come as no surprise 

that his prescriptions focus on symptoms rooted in various sexual 

pathologies. Nordau’s importance stems from the fact that he 

argues against his age’s libidinal millenarianism, while simultaneously 

perpetuating its terms and concerns. 

Nordau compares the fin de siècle mood to “the impotent 

despair of a sick man, who feels himself dying by inches in the 

midst of an eternally living nature blooming insolently forever” 

(3). Sex and death are further intertwined when he describes this 

cultural pathology as equivalent to

100 


[t]he envy of a rich, hoary voluptuary, who sees a pair of young 

lovers making for a sequestered forest nook; it is the mortification 

of the exhausted and impotent refugee from a Florentine plague, 

seeking in an enchanted garden the experiences of a Decamerone, 

but striving in vain to snatch one more pleasure of sense from the 

uncertain hour. (ibid.) 

Nordau’s definitions of “healthy” and “sick” circle around a shared 

territory (“the uncertain hour”), which is both liminal and libidinal. 

All further diagnostic distinctions emerge from this highly charged 

and ambiguous rhetorical space. 

Believing that eroticism “includes precisely the most characteristic 

and conspicuous phenomena of degeneration,” Nordau cites 

Richard Wagner and other “higher degenerates” as exemplary victims 

of “erotic madness” (182). His Darwinian argument then 

traces this madness to two historical forces, which merge in the 

middle of the nineteenth century to create a degenerative effect in 

those who are too weak to assimilate change. The first force is time 

itself, which healthy men acknowledge as a force indifferent to 

human measuring systems, such as the calendar. The marking of 

time, however, nevertheless suggests to impressionable and mystically 

inclined minds the supernatural patterns of divine plans, 

pointing toward some kind of conclusion. Nordau argues that just 

because we have to know what day it is in order to conduct our daily 

business, we shouldn’t instill the years with numerological significance. 

For him, the approaching twentieth century thus becomes 

burdened with the “childish” projections of fatalistic fantasies. This 

delusional tendency is further aggravated by the second historical 

force, namely, the rapid industrialization of Western Europe. 

Nordau argues that this unprecedented historical leap reinforces a 

sense of cultural acceleration, whether this is interpreted as directed 

toward a brighter future or a dark abyss. 

The cultural effect of these combined forces is thus an overwhelming 

fatigue. The late nineteenth century inherited stress fractures 

caused by the exhaustion of the previous generation, which had 

to cope with “this enormous increase in organic expenditure” (39): 

Humanity can point to no century in which the inventions which 

penetrate so deeply, so tyrannically, into the life of every individual 

are crowded so thick as in ours . . . . The humblest village 

inhabitant has to-day a wider geographical horizon, more numerous 

and complex intellectual interests, than the prime minister of 

a petty, or even a second-rate state a century ago. If he do but read 

his paper, let it be the most innocent provincial rag, he takes part, 

certainly not by active interference and influence, but by a continuous 

receptive curiosity, in the thousand events which take place

Decaying Forward 101 

in all parts of the globe, and he interests himself simultaneously 

in the issue of a revolution in Chili, in a bush-war in East Africa, 

a massacre in North China, a famine in Russia, a street-row in 

Spain, an international exhibition in North America. A cook 

receives and sends more letters than a university professor did 

formerly, and a petty tradesman travels more and sees more countries 

and people than did the reigning prince of other times. (ibid.) 

This extract provides a wealth of material on nascent forms of 

democratization, globalization and “future shock,” all of which continue 

to inform public debates on cultural health at the beginning 

of the twenty-first century. Moreover, it points to an earlier “information 

revolution”—which ran parallel to the industrial revolution 

—anticipating today’s “screen fatigue,” “empathy burnout,” Chronic 

Fatigue Syndrome, and other fin de siècle analogues. 

Nordau preempts subsequent diagnoses on the social body: 

All these activities, however, even the simplest, involve an effort 

of the nervous system and a wearing of tissue. Every line we read 

or write, every human face we see, every conversation we carry on, 

every scene we perceive through the window of the flying express, 

sets in activity our sensory nerves and our brain centres. Even the 

little shocks of railway travelling, not perceived by consciousness, 

the perpetual noises, and the various sights in the streets of a 

large town, our suspense pending the sequel of progressing events, 

the constant expectation of the newspaper, of the postman, of visitors, 

cost our brains wear and tear. (ibid.) 

According to Nordau’s depiction of modernity, culture races ahead 

of its subjects in a macro-political version of jet lag, described as the 

process whereby “our stomachs cannot keep pace with the brain 

and nervous system” (ibid.). The decadent “aesthetic schools” of 

thought are represented as hysterical symptoms resulting from 

“the excessive organic wear and tear suffered by the nations 

through the immense demands on their activity, and through the 

rank growth of large towns” (43). 

But this should not be mistaken for a sympathetic diagnosis, 

clearing the ground for some kind of social welfare program or policy 

change. Instead it merely confirms those processes of natural 

selection that necessitate the survival of the fittest. 18 Since Nordau 

believes that the bodies of the “less vigorous” fill the “ditches on the 

road of progress” (40), the targets of his contempt are degenerates 

who lie in those ditches, singing drunkenly to the stars. 

Definitions of “decadence” are notoriously ambiguous. Decadence can 

be alternately Apollonian, Dionysian, Christian, pagan, masculine,

102 


feminine, chaotic, controlled, refined and/or debauched, depending 

on whom you choose to believe at the time. In his own definition, 

Mario Praz (1960) signals the inherently millenarian character of 

decadence as an attraction to disaster: 

The very ideas of Decadence, of immanent Divine punishment like 

the fire of Sodom, of the “cupio dissolvi,” [the desire to dissolve], are 

perhaps no more than the extreme sadistic refinements of a milieu 

which was saturated to excess with complications of perversion. 

In process of time it has become possible to see that it was a question 

of mental attitude, of a momentary dizziness on the brink of 

a precipice, which, epidemic as it was, soon wore itself out . . . 

the year 1900 no more marked the date of a cataclysm than the 

year 1000. (1960: 416) 

In his book on Decadence and the Making of Modernism (1995), 

David Weir cites the compelling definition, “decline at its peak” 

(174), after quoting the Russian poet Vyacheslav Ivanov on how 

decadence is “the feeling, at once oppressive and exalting, of being 

the last in a series” (5). The convergence of these two definitions— 

a kind of negative climax alongside a conflicting sense of finality— 

is where I begin my analysis of the nineteenth-century fin de siècle, 

particularly as it relates to Huysmans’s A Rebours. 

Much has been written about this book, often on account of its 

status as the singular artifact of “a one-man movement” and as 

what Brian Stableford calls “the Bible of would-be Decadents of all 

kinds” (1992: 1). The novel’s slim narrative tells the story of a 

fatigued degenerate (in Nordau’s terms) called Duc Jean des 

Esseintes, who isolates himself in a domestic version of Charles 

Baudelaire’s “artificial paradise” in order to perversely enjoy the 

stagnation of self, outside and “against the grain” of Parisian social 

life and the planet’s natural rhythms. (The decadent notion of “self” 

is complex, and revolves around the Baudelairean project of aestheticizing 

the self into an objet d’art through techniques of artifice. 

The “manufactured self” was to become less subversive, particularly 

after F. T. Marinetti, once its links with capitalistic subjectivity— 

the “self-made man”—were clarified. In other words, the artificial 

dandy is easily absorbed into the corporate cyborg.) 

Like Sade’s protagonists, Des Esseintes attempts to create his 

own “Temporary Autonomous Zone” (a notion I explore further in 

chapter 6) in order to act out his disgust with the tyranny of natural 

processes. Having found no satisfaction in the debaucheries of a 

decadent lifestyle, the duke withdraws into the neurotic sphere of 

his own libidinal solipsism, magnifying and distilling the ennui of 

the 1880s into an extremely idiosyncratic text. This decision could


be seen as a particularly acute case of the more general “repetitious, 

masturbatory response to chronic, low-grade anxiety which 

leads in turn to boredom and guilty withdrawal” (Levin, 1996: 200). 

Des Esseintes cultivates black plants, which grow into ugly, tumorous 

shapes; he takes his meals by enema in order to thwart the natural 

design of the body; he thrives on illusion, courting ventriloquists 

and filling his aquarium with mechanical fish. If there was 

ever a character to represent a life “after the orgy” it is Des 

Esseintes. 

David Weir notes that “the backward glance seems implicit in 

the concept of decadence: all is before, nothing is after” (5). Indeed, 

Des Esseintes seems to be merely killing time before he dies, since 

he doesn’t have the courage to kill himself. But Weir goes on to 

refute such an interpretation, focusing instead on those dynamic 

properties which lurk in decadent works like dormant seeds. 

Indeed, he quotes Matei Calinescu, who reminds us that “[a] high 

degree of technological development appears perfectly compatible 

with an acute sense of decadence. The fact of progress is not denied, 

but increasingly large numbers of people experience the results of 

progress with an anguished sense of loss and alienation. Once 

again, progress is decadence and decadence is progress” (11). This 

seemingly paradoxical process enables Weir to claim that 

Huysmans influenced James Joyce and other modernists who radicalized 

literature in the first half of the twentieth century, and to 

reaffirm Herbert Marcuse’s point that “the term ‘decadent’ far more 

denounces the genuinely progressive traits of a dying culture than 

the real factors of decay” (1986: 60). 

Controversial in content, the form of A Rebours was equally 

troubling to readers who were disturbed by its flagrantly antinaturalist 

approach to representing time and the unfolding of events. 

Where Stendhal thought of the novel in general “as a mirror 

dragged along a highway” (Virilio, 1995: 44), Huysmans saw it as 

an inverted telescope connecting the navel to the vast, mouldy canvas 

of history. The story in A Rebours is less a sequence of episodes 

than a series of set pieces, which could be rearranged with no damage 

to the ensuing “plot.” Some critics have been perceptive enough 

to see the book’s lack of direction as an integral part of its thematic 

concerns, rather than as evidence of flawed technique. Indeed 

Weir draws on established scholarship to conclude that a sense of 

“overness at the outset” (94)—a kind of historical Doppler effect— 

is embedded into the very structure of A Rebours. 

In identifying a psychology of belatedness (155) as an essentially 

decadent characteristic, Weir not only invokes Nordau’s 

organic lag, but also echoes the claim that decadence “means no 

more than a morbid complacency in feeling oneself passé” (Weir 6).

104 


“When the period at which a man of talent is condemned to live is 

dull and stupid,” Des Esseintes confesses, “the artist is, unconsciously 

to himself, haunted by a sensation of morbid yearning for 

another century” (Huysmans 168). The duke’s “postorgy” predicament 

thus testifies to the fact that the only thing worse than feeling 

that you missed the party is having actually been there and 

found that it wasn’t so great. Unlike the Proustian principle, which 

would dominate Western literary models of time in the twentieth 

century, there is no nostalgia here for one’s own past; instead, Des 

Esseintes yearns for another era, or so it would seem. 

When A Rebours was first published, Barbey d’Aurevilly wrote 

that “for a decadent of that force to have been produced, and for 

something like M. Huysmans’ book to have sprouted in the head of 

a human being, it would have to be necessary for us to have become 

what we are—a race in its final hour” (Weir 85). And yet, according 

to d’Aurevilly, this final hour had been stripped of its traditional 

significance before the Second Coming, because the fin de siècle 

was nothing more than “the dress rehearsal of the Last Judgement 

without king or god” (Shaffer 139). 

In the late nineteenth century, the second law of thermodynamics 

seemed to have a cultural counterpart, signaled by an outbreak of 

malaise—the entropic heat-death of sociality. It prefigured Albert 

Einstein’s theory of relativity, whereby time decreases in inverse 

proportion to velocity. As Nordau noted with genuine concern, “[w]e 

stand now in the midst of a severe mental epidemic; of a sort of black 

death of degeneration and hysteria, and it is natural that we should 

ask anxiously on all sides: ‘What is to come next?’” (537). 

Such anxieties about the end of history—coupled with a nostalgia 

for more poetic times—are familiar in the millennial discourses 

of our own times. The decadents were a species of apocalyptic 

harbinger, repeating the familiar “end is nigh” mantra, but 

with a new tone influenced by the Marquis de Sade, Arthur 

Schopenhauer and other nihilistic (i.e., more secular) philosophies 

of declining civilizations. Initially attracted to its anti-Christian 

rhetoric, Friedrich Nietzsche would renounce such intellectual posturing 

in his last published work, Ecce Homo (1888), as simply “the 

will to the end” (96). 

While there are obvious parallels between then and now, Weir 

distinguishes between the laments of late-nineteenth-century aesthetes 

from the historical predicament of postmodernists: 

[S]omehow the cultural millennium never arrives, and the age 

that succeeds a decadent period is always decadent itself in turn. 

The postmodernist, multiculturalist condition expresses, I believe, 

the same paradoxical nostalgia for the millennium that Flaubert 

felt, except that now the old hope for a new cultural world seems


perpetually forestalled by the apocalypse of the past. 

Flaubert and Baudelaire both thought of decadence as transition; 

to them, their age was in decay, but at least it was decaying 

forward. (202) 

Weir goes on to note that postmodernism is “engaged in an active 

pursuit of a prior condition in order to apprehend the present” 

(198). Indeed, he asks, “what is progress now but a desire to go 

backward to a time when it was possible to go forward? Progression 

à rebours illustrates that even those with the best intentions are 

destined for decadence” (203). 

According to Weir, then, contemporary decadents pine for those 

days when the avant-garde was a distinct cultural force, and exhibited 

fertile regenerative powers precisely through its decadence, by 

decaying forward, in a kind of compost-effect. Des Esseintes, an 

important precursor to this dynamic energy, longed for a degenerative 

momentum located—for him—in late Roman times. (Indeed, à 

rebours can also be translated as “countdown,” further complicating 

the relationship between anticipation and exhaustion.) In tracing 

the roots of modernism to the decadents, Weir presents degeneration 

and regeneration as the two poles in a cultural feedback loop 

that initially fosters progress, and then creates the illusion of 

progress. This relates to Marx’s belief that “time is everything, man 

is nothing; he is no more than the carcase of time” (Brown, 1970: 

272). Of course it also evokes his famous view that history repeats 

itself, the first time as tragedy, and the second time as farce. But 

what of the third, fourth, and fifth times? And what if it really 

began as a farce in the first place? 

A particularly insightful essay by Rodolphe Gasché (1988) reconciles 

the differences between these two poles, and problematizes the 

notion that the last fin de siècle believed itself to be decaying forward. 

According to Gasché, the stagnation of history first occurred 

neither in Berlin in 1989, nor in Paris in the 1920s, but in Fontenay 

in 1881; the year in which Huysmans began work on A Rebours. 

(This book was not translated into English until 1922, although it 

is referred to in Oscar Wilde’s Picture of Dorian Gray [1891] as a 

text with viral properties.) 

By interpreting A Rebours as primarily a “wake over the essence 

of time” (189), Gasché fully exposes the latent lateness of Huysmans’s 

text. Des Esseintes’s self-isolation, coupled with his fetish for historical 

artifacts, is interpreted as the desire to experience change in its 

purest form, rather than as nostalgia for one “ideal” moment of history. 

This is in stark contrast to Nordau’s argument that the world was 

changing too fast for its human population to keep pace. For Des

106 

Esseintes, the emerging technologies do not represent cultural 

progress, but instead the ironic Sadean legacy of human obsolescence. 

Gasché insists that Des Esseintes does not mourn past ages, 

and indeed Huysmans himself leaves the question open in a letter to 

a friend: “I do not care for the period in which I live, and . . . from 

time to time I seek an escape route into the ‘beyond’” (Beaumont 60). 

This “beyond” is not constituted by the zeitgeist that produced his 

favourite authors or painters. Instead it relates to a “nostalgia for 

the present” (Jameson). Gasché characterizes it thus: 

Des Esseintes does not mourn past ages. Nor does he dream of a 

future that would resemble a past characterized by fullness and 

harmony. He is nostalgic of epochs that serve as a transition 

between other epochs. As they have no other substance than that 

of their fleeting time itself, they thus represent time and history 

in their purest form, as the very essence of change. (188) 

Literally, Des Esseintes’ emblematic historical consciousness 

“amounts to an end of time itself,” so that the object of his nostalgia 

is “historical formation in general as a thing past” (189). To use 

a simplistic metaphor, Des Esseintes didn’t so much miss the boat, 

as the stream that carried it. Looked at in this way, the theoretical 

lens of libidinal millenarianism can help us to avoid barnacled 

interpretations of decadence and degeneration as merely the excreta 

of progress. Linear and fatalistic histories, such as the Christian 

narrative of Revelation, are thus complicated by the decadent 

agenda. What does it mean to be “after” in an age of profound temporal 

confusion? By placing Des Esseintes’s homage to the artificial 

in the context of an attempted “redemption from matter” (199), 

Gasché sees such a project as unfolding in the uncanny silence 

before the storm of twentieth-century politics. All of which prompts 

us to ask the question, If Huysmans did not see the world as decaying 

forward, where did he think it was heading? 

De-fragging the Self 


Mystics, but especially ego-maniacs and filthy pseudo-realists, 

are enemies to society of the direst kind. Society must unconditionally 

defend itself against them . . . . There is no place 

among us for the lusting beast of prey; and if you dare return 

to us, we will pitilessly beat you to death with clubs. 

Nordau (557)


In separate letters to friends, Huysmans paints a couple of telling 

self-portraits. The first, composed during a break from writing 

A Rebours, reports, “[s]omething strange! Since we have been suffocating 

in this heat, the bit of old rag I have had in my pants these 

months has picked itself up, and here I am, fornicating away furiously. 

It must be the beginning of general paralysis, what else can 

it mean?” (Beaumont 49). Read on its own, this salacious confession 

conveys that nervous energy preceding total collapse that is a millenarian 

motif. When combined with the second portrait, however, 

it provides a conducting rod between decadence and the technological 

core of my topic: “Ah, such fine news: on the one hand I have a 

stomach upset and on the other, neuralgia. How inferior this 

human machine is, compared to man-made machines. They can be 

de-coked, unscrewed, oiled and parts replaced. Decidedly, nature is 

not a very wonderful thing” (Beaumont 76). Because Des Esseintes 

is practically impotent, the narrative of A Rebours is thoroughly 

post-coital. The only thing that excites his loins is hard artifice 

(technology) or soft artifice (illusion and simulacra). Anticipating 

the disorienting logic that would preoccupy much of Jean 

Baudrillard’s work, Des Esseintes delights in the fact that any 

waterfall “can be imitated by the proper application of hydraulics, 

till there is no distinguishing the copy from the original” (22). This 

continuum between hard and soft artifice—united in the concept of 

techné—informs all libidinal millenarian practice. 19 

The logic of Nordau’s “organic wear and tear” leads Des 

Esseintes to take his food via an enema: “his predilection for the 

artificial had now, and that without any initiative on his part, 

attained its supreme fulfillment! A man could hardly go farther; 

nourishment thus absorbed was surely the last aberration from the 

natural that could be committed” (9). The exhaustion of the body, 

combined with the exhaustion of all perverse possibilities, heralds 

a twofold apocalypse experienced as a personal crisis. 

This Cartesian crisis—whereby the subject’s mind rebels 

against the degeneration of his own body—climaxes in the teachings 

and behavior of the Heaven’s Gate cult. Whereas many religions 

attribute bodily urges to the “foreign influence” of the flesh 

(as a kind of enemy within), Marshall Applewhite portrayed the 

body as a vehicle, a biological computer. Because this “container” 

had to be flushed out regularly in order to keep the mechanisms 

working, every week he administered Des Esseintes-like enemas to 

his followers: a combination of lemonade, cayenne pepper, and lowgrade 

maple syrup. 

This practice was portrayed by the media as a barbaric and 

pagan ritual. Yet to characterize it in this way is to obscure the fact 

that the ideologically loaded behavior of Des Esseintes and

108 


Applewhite is a direct tributary of scientific worldviews. 

Eighteenth and nineteenth-century western science had the dual 

effect of “naturalizing” the body (we became highly evolved animals, 

not profane angels) while simultaneously “technologizing” 

the mind/body equation so that the human organism came to be 

seen as increasingly machinic. According to this model, the heart is 

no more than a pump, and the brain an advanced computer. 

Long before Arnold Schwarzenegger appeared in Terminator, 

the human body was a cyborg, a techno-organic hybrid. This paved 

the way for a complex flow of ideas between proto-Freudian models 

of getting to “the root” of problems, and surgical metaphors suggesting 

that medicine is really just human mechanics. One implication 

is the possibility of disassembling the body in order to 

cleanse it of base sexual urges, whether through castration (as was 

the case with some Heaven’s Gate disciples) or Huysmans’s dream 

of decoking the self. 

Gasché discusses Des Esseintes’s painful dental experience in 

such terms: 

[S]ince the result of this operation is a joyful sensation of feeling 

“ten years younger and taking an interest in the most insignificant 

things” . . . spiritualization may reveal itself to be a function 

of a violent extraction of the lower material substratum, here 

a tooth, whose phallic symbolism is clearly stressed throughout 

the novel. What this episode establishes is that idealization in fact 

presupposes extraction, castration, or decapitation, in short, the 

removal of everything material and sensual from the body. (200) 

This sensation was shared by at least one Heaven’s Gate follower, 

who expressed his feeling of liberation after being surgically castrated 

(Gegax 39). 

Huysmans is thus an important hinge between Sade’s embrace 

of sexual artifice and the neomystic impulse to sublimate the sexual, 

surgically or otherwise. The orgiastic ramparts of Castle Silling 

are thus linked to the celibate workstations of Rancho Sante Fe. 

The degenerate, as portrayed by Nordau, suffers from a pronounced 

sexual orientation, labeled erotomania (169). This affliction is diagnosed 

as symptomatic of the “morbid exhaustion” (43) of the fin de 

siècle, and is linked to the explosion (in both senses) of new technologies. 

The degenerate is depicted as a weak-minded mystic, 

trapped in a vicious cycle of perverse self-projection. Consequently, 

[h]e attains to a state of mind in which he divines mysterious relations 

among all possible objective phenomena, e.g., a railway 

train, the title of his newspaper, a piano on the one hand, and


woman on the other; and feels emotions of an erotic nature at 

sights, words, odours, which would produce no such impressions 

on the mind of a sound person . . . . Hence it comes that in most 

cases mysticism distinctly takes on a decidedly erotic colouring, 

and the mystic, if he interprets his inchoate liminal presentations, 

always tends to ascribe to them an erotic import. (61) 

It is thus significant that Richard Wagner—one of Nordau’s 

“higher degenerates”—inspired Nietzsche’s The Birth of Tragedy 

(Through the Spirit of Music). In 1872 Nietzsche was captivated by 

his compatriot’s compositions, which he believed displayed the synthetic 

powers of the great Greek dramatists. But when Nietzsche 

became more positive and puritanical, his enthusiasm for the fragile 

condition of being “classically decadent” gave way to his promotion 

of progress over degeneration, and health over sickness. 

Wagner’s vision of Art as the Sapphic ménage-à-trois of the Muses 

(Nordau 180) was altogether too romantic for the middle-aged 

Nietzsche, who detected in such metaphors the sentimental stench 

of the corpse of Christianity. 

Although Weir believes that Nietzsche provided a “complete 

paradigm of antidecadence” (133), his writings nevertheless constitute 

the most comprehensive map for exploring decadence and its 

relation to art and history. With characteristic immodesty, 

Nietzsche claims to “have a subtler sense for signs of ascent and 

decline than any man has ever had” (1979: 39). Weir thus aligns 

himself with Camille Paglia in assuming that “decadent and 

Dionysian art are contraries.” He goes on to state that 

Nietzsche does not reject decadence even though he sets himself 

against it. Rather, it is the decadent who rejects the Dionysian, 

and a key element of Dionysian art is the quality of overfulness or 

abundance that can include decline, decadence, negation . . . . 

Again, the decadent and the Dionysian are opposed, but it is the 

decadent who is “doing” the opposing because of his passive attitude 

of rejection and negation. (134-5) 

Like Nietzsche, however, the French decadents appreciated the 

transcendental impulse behind the Hellenic fusion of Dionysian 

themes within Apollonian forms. This is why Huysmans and others 

often looked to the pagans for answers to the death of God. They 

also adapted Sade’s virulent nihilism to a far more lethargic epoch, 

when the Enlightenment was beginning to dim. The decadents 

were thus the most visible in a long line of “panic merchants” who, 

by perpetuating the mythical powers of the god Pan, explicitly 

linked the goat-god with an eroticized apocalypse. 

To Nordau, Nietzsche was an ego-maniac, and therefore a

110 

degenerate like Huysmans and all the others. Recent scholarship, 

however, places Nietzsche in direct opposition to such a lineage. 

Huysmans was a latent Catholic. Obsessed with the superficial 

transgressions of Satanism, he was thus trapped in the same (albeit 

inverted) transcendental structure that Nietzsche despised. This 

shows us that the “red thread” of my Dionysian genealogy inevitably 

becomes tangled in the footsteps of historical interpretation, and that 

distinctions between debauchery and refinement cannot account for 

those antithetical affinities that lie dormant in such texts. 

This debate, which is largely semantic, circles around interpretations 

of artifice, and around its role in either assisting or hindering 

the perceived flow of time. The key concepts—entropy, 

degeneration, decadence, and eroticism—form a constellation 

around the Sadean support of artifice. As a result, any discussion of 

millenarian ideas are sucked into the dionysian density of such a 

concept, and A Rebours’ attempt to consistently foil mother nature 

leads to Des Esseintes’s apoplectic apocalypse. 

Technologies of the Flesh 

There is an affinity, or at least a synchrony, between a culture 

of boredom and an orgiastic one. 

Sex is worth dying for. 


Jacques Derrida (1995: 35) 

Michel Foucault (1990: 156) 

In her chapter on Huysmans, Paglia writes that “A Rebours (originally 

called Alone) is Romantically self-contained, its linguistic energy 

invested in internal sexual differentiation. Its words are thronging 

multiples, spores of competitive identity. The whole, subdividing into 

fractious parts, makes love to itself” (436). In its onanistic multiplicity, 

the text performs a kind of linguistic orgy, enacted through the 

medium of language. For Huysmans, as for Georges Bataille, eroticism 

ultimately emphasizes our alienation, solitude, and mortality. It 

is thus to be used as a (self-)destructive weapon. 

In contemplating a painting by Gustave Moreau, Des 

Esseintes sees Salome, that “goddess of decadence” (Showalter 

149), in her true colors: 

[Salome] was now revealed in a sense as the symbolic incarnation


of world-old Vice, the goddess of immortal Hysteris, the Curse of 

Beauty supreme above all other beauties by the cataleptic spasm 

that stirs her flesh and steels her muscles,— a monstrous Beast of 

the Apocalypse, indifferent, irresponsible, insensible, poisoning, 

like Helen of Troy of the old Classic fables, all who come near her, 

all who see her, all who touch her. (53) 

Woman, and by association sexuality, represents the traditionally 

apocalyptic consequences of eroticism. This is elaborated further in 

the proto-Surrealist nightmare sequence, where Des Esseintes is 

literally hounded by a woman with a bulldog face and vagina dentata. 

Here the duke’s hysterical symptoms spill out into his dreams 

to confront him in horrific and vivid detail. Visions melt and merge 

until he finds himself in a “hideous metallic landscape” (92), where 

Salome’s sister-spirit, Syphilis, pursues him into a feverish awakening. 

A psychoanalytic reading could find a wealth of material 

here to justify labeling Des Esseintes (and by extension Huysmans 

himself) a neurotic and hysterical misogynist. I would point out, 

however, that such a conclusion would depend upon a notional 

“return of the repressed,” which has become far too convenient in 

the post-Foucauldian theory-scape. 

In the first volume of his History of Sexuality (1990), Foucault 

debunks what he calls the “repressive hypothesis”: the dominant 

notion that the Enlightenment centuries attempted to control sexuality 

through medical and judicial policies of silence, denial, evasion, 

surveillance, and punishment. As a revisionist historian, 

Foucault sets out to demonstrate that the nineteenth century actually 

produced what we now call “sexuality”, and did so by means of 

a centerless power structure that operates through horizontal 

mobility rather than vertical pressure. Far from being silenced, 

sexuality was compelled to speak, and in increasingly delineated 

terms. This process, which Foucault calls “the deployment of sexuality” 

(106), was achieved via the institution of confession. The 

effect of such “polymorphous techniques of power” (11) is to actually 

create the object of study, rather than reveal it. As a result, “sexuality” 

is not a secret essence to be prized from our closet, but something 

actively produced by such a search. 

(I make this point not in order to repress the reality of repression, 

as it were, but merely to emphasize the discursive origins of 

its undeniable power. In their different ways, post-Franco Spain, 

contemporary Japan, and the Heaven’s Gate cult all provide compelling 

evidence for the power of released repression. This does not 

weaken Foucault’s argument, however. Because the repressive 

effect is a major element in the deployment of sexuality, it results 

in a kind of self-fulfilling prophecy.) 

In tracing the history of the “singular imperialism that compels

112 


everyone to transform their sexuality into a perpetual discourse” 

(33), Foucault links the deployment of sexuality to the legacy of 

Sade: “the most defenseless tenderness and the bloodiest of powers 

have a similar need of confession. Western man has become a confessing 

animal” (59). From such a perspective, Des Esseintes’s 

dream—not to mention Huysmans’s text—are not pressure valves 

letting off repressed steam, but part of that “dense transfer point” 

(103) between people, now known as “sexuality.” 

The “disfunctionality” of decadent sexuality cannot be overemphasized, 

especially when viewed through Foucault’s framework. 

Des Esseintes’s experiment, however, rejects that proto-Freudian 

model that views sexuality as the skeleton key to physical and mental 

health. Instead, it is seen as the source of our degeneration, 

through revulsion and disease. For William Blake the road of 

excess led to the palace of wisdom, but for Des Esseintes it led to 

his own House of Usher. 

Huysmans’s nightmare vividly rejects the notion that transcendence 

is to be found in the climactic epiphany of orgasm. 

Indeed, his waking hours are dedicated to avoiding sexuality and 

its syphilitic effects. Nordau’s organic fatigue makes no exception 

for the genitals, and Huysmans’s tale of libidinal entropy speaks of 

an apocalypse that comes not with a bang, but a whimper. Death is 

barely kept at bay in Fontenay, and Des Esseintes lives in those 

agonizing moments after the orgy, but before the test results. 

The Dionysian economy of expenditure is thus forced to keep 

pace with a new emotional stock market, whereby erotic investments 

can inflate out of control or render us bankrupt. The legacy 

of Des Esseintes’s experiment can thus be found in today’s apocalyptic 

discourses about the global drop in sperm-counts or the Gen- 

X game of HIV Russian Roulette. All this leads us back to Nordau, 

and particularly to his critique of the decadents’ perspective on the 

end of history: “They do not direct us to the future, but point backwards 

to times past. Their word is no ecstatic prophecy, but the 

senseless stammering and babbling of deranged minds . . . 

spasms of exhaustion” (43). And as happens with many deathbed 

scenarios, repentance isn’t too far behind. 

In his analysis of A Rebours, Stableford discusses the central character’s 

“climactic repentance” (1993: 28) at the end of the novel, which 

(he believes) foreshadows Huysmans’ own conversion to Catholicism. 

One of Huysmans’s contemporaries, Barbey d’Aurevilly, was quoted 

as saying that “[a]fter such a book, it only remains for the author to 

choose between the muzzle of a pistol or the foot of the cross” 

(Huysmans xlix). Huysmans’s decision to take the less drastic option 

resonates with Nietzsche’s belief that “one is not ‘converted’ to 

Christianity—one has to be sick enough for it” (1982: 637).


On one level, the novel can certainly be read as celebrating the 

impossibility of living a truly decadent lifestyle, and as thus, echoing 

Baudelaire’s belief that those who seek artificial paradises end up 

creating private hells (Stableford, 1993: 19). The power of A Rebours, 

however, comes largely from the fact that—like J. G. Ballard’s Crash 

(1975)—it is too ironic and ambiguous to be contained within such 

moral prescriptions. 

Perhaps projecting his knowledge of Huysmans’s subsequent 

actions on to the character of Des Esseintes, Stableford seems to 

mistake defeat for repentance—although there is no doubt that they 

are closely akin. In the closing pages of A Rebours, Des Esseintes 

deplores the filth and squalor of the fin de siècle in terms remarkably 

similar to those of his future critic, Nordau, although from an 

ideologically different position. Forced to return to Paris under doctor’s 

orders, Des Esseintes contemplates his painful reinsertion into 

the social body. Burdened with the weariness of hereditary hysteria, 

the duke tries in vain to find solace in apocalyptic visions: 

Could it be that to prove once and for all that He existed, the terrible 

God of Genesis and the pale Crucified of Golgotha were not 

going to renew the cataclysms of an earlier day, to rekindle the rain 

of fire that consumed the ancient homes of sin, the cities of the 

Plain? Could it be that this foul flood was to go on spreading and 

drowning in its pestilential morass this old world where now only 

seeds of iniquity sprang up and harvests of shame flourished? (206) 

In the final pages of Degeneration, Nordau also presents us with a 

dystopian vision of the imminent twentieth century, as taken from 

the fever-charts of the mal du siècle: 

Sexual psychopathy of every nature has become so general and so 

imperious that manners and laws have adapted themselves accordingly. 

They appear already in the fashion. Masochists or passivists, 

who form the majority of men, clothe themselves in a costume 

which recalls, by colour and cut, feminine apparel . . . . Sadists, 

“bestials,” nosophiles, and necrophiles, etc., find legal opportunities 

to gratify their inclinations. Modesty and restraint are dead superstitions 

of the past, and appear only as atavism and among the 

inhabitants of remote villages . . . on the stage only representations 

of unveiled eroticism and bloody homicides, and to this, flock 

voluntary victims from all the parts, who aspire to the voluptuousness 

of dying amid the plaudits of delirious spectators. (539) 

Nordau’s prophecy is uncannily accurate. Many of his predictions 

appear along the decadent trajectory I myself am tracing—from 

Rimbaud to Rambo, Baudelaire to Baudrillard, J’accuse to Jacuzzi

114 


(in Todd Gitlin’s words), society to satiety, and seminality to senility. 

All are inscribed with the legacy of libidinal millenarianism. 

Unlike Huysmans, however, Nordau depicts an even more 

degenerated future only in order to destroy it with the “scientific” 

weight of his optimism. Nordau’s optimism rests on two beliefs: 

first, that the feeble will perish and the strong will survive, and second, 

that posterity will develop some kind of remote control for coping 

with the speed of history. If letters were to be suppressed, railways 

scrapped, telephones banished, papers delayed, and fashioncycles 

slowed down, the nerves would have an opportunity to 

rebuild. By the end of the twentieth century, we would probably see 

[a] generation to whom it will not be injurous to read a dozen 

square yards of newspapers daily, to be constantly called to the 

telephone, to be thinking simultaneously of the five continents of 

the world, to live half their time in a railway carriage or in a flying 

machine, and to satisfy the demands of a circle of ten thousand 

acquaintances, associates, and friends. (541) 

This generation is certainly with us today. The promised rest period, 

however, has not been forthcoming (and I don’t think that financial 

crashes are what Nordau had in mind). Although we have our 

fingers on various buttons—the nuclear, the panic, the fast-forward 

—no-one can locate the slowdown option. 

In our own fin de siècle we encounter discourses of degeneration 

through a kind of “entropic acceleration.” This time, however, 

they have an even deeper sense of cynicism. If Hillel Schwartz is 

correct in noting that the last decade is to a century as the last century 

is to a millennium (xvii), then we can backdate this new phase 

to the postcoital endism of Huysmans. Thus the industrial revolution, 

which preempted today’s much trumpeted “information revolution,” 

was itself preceded by the printing press and mercantile 

circulation. These revolutions masked the emergence of yet another—the 

sexual revolution of the scientia sexualis. Such moments 

are distinct, but not conveniently sequential. It is an old but 

durable point that revolutions turn like wheels. 

Foucault’s history of sexuality revolves around these historical 

revolutions, tracing the “technologies of the flesh” in the nineteenth 

century to the production of libido through language. Concurrent 

fears about technological invasions of the body produced a sense of 

exhaustion and depletion that had an abrasive effect on the soft 

underbelly of Progress. Decadent subjectivity was thus a cynically 

flirtatious negotiation between secular pessimism and religious 

optimism, interpreted superficially as a decaying forward. As Des 

Esseintes discovered, transgression no longer guaranteed a shortcut 

to transcendence. Nevertheless, sexuality was still seen as the


key to a future that many decadents faced with a combination of 

boredom, anxiety, and impatience. 

Foucault draws attention to the fact that “Today it is sex that 

serves as a support for the ancient form—so familiar and important 

in the West—of preaching” (1990: 7). Preaching, prophecy, confession, 

repression, revelation, and liberation, are thus terms that 

cluster around “this millennial yoke.” When sex becomes inseparable 

from the problem of truth, all modes of uncovering and revelation 

become eroticized. As Paglia notes, “Western narrative is a 

mystery story, a process of detection. But since what is detected is 

unbearable, every revelation leads to another repression” (7). Is it 

surprising, then, that when decadents gave up on the Second 

Coming and the Revelation of God’s Truth, they looked for answers 

in the lascivious dance of Salome and her seven veils? What they 

didn’t realize is that both options issued from the same libidinal tissue. 

The 1960s were similarly entranced by libidinal routes to the 

promised land, and fell into similar traps of complicity, appropriation, 

and delusion. The “sexual revolution” was primarily a millenarian 

reading of history, which smuggled much older metaphysical 

modes into the heart of modernity. As Foucault notes, “[s]omething 

that smacks of revolt, of promised freedom, of the coming age 

of a different law, slips easily into this discourse on sexual oppression. 

Some of the ancient functions of prophecy are reactivated 

therein. Tomorrow sex will be good again” (1990: 7). 

In the 1960s the psychology of belatedness began to give way 

to a more urgent cultural agenda. The orgy was back.

5 

Cosmic Architects 

Maybe it was sentimental, if not actually stupid, to romanticize 

the sixties as an embryonic golden age. Certainly, this fetal age 

of enlightenment was aborted. Nevertheless, the sixties were 

special; not only did they differ from the twenties, the fifties, 

the seventies etc. they were superior to them. Like the 

Arthurian years at Camelot, the sixties constituted a breakthrough, 

a fleeting moment of glory, a time when a significant 

little chunk of humanity briefly realized its moral potential and 

flirted with its neurological destiny, a collective spiritual 

awakening that flared brilliantly until the barbaric and 

mediocre impulses of the species drew tight once more the 

curtains of darkness. 

117 

Tom Robbins (248) 

Several decades after the event, baby boomers continue to sit 

behind “the curtains of darkness,” trying to shed some light on this 

magical-mystical decade. This quote from Robbins’s Jitterbug 

Perfume (1990) clearly displays the rhetorical double-movement 

made by many survivors of the sixties counterculture; obliged to 

dismiss or disown romanticized recollections, and yet, more often 

than not, doing just that themselves later in the same paragraph. 

This era (which was obsessed with traditional Western mythical 

narratives) managed to found an industry dedicated to churning 

out its own narcissistic myths of the sixties. Even the term the sixties 

functions today—after several nostalgic revivals—as an 

omnipresent Rorschach blot on to which people project their own 

meanings and/or memories. 

As the steady trickle of memoirs continues into this new millennium, 

the task of “uncovering” the sixties—of scraping away the 

sands of time and the misty myths of the media—becomes 

increasingly archaeological. In Hippie Hippie Shake (1995),

118 


Richard Neville presents his book as a “warts and all” analysis, as if 

most other veterans had forgotten to take off their rose-colored glasses 

along with their kaftans. To strip away the myth, however, does 

not uncover some uncut truth or reality, for this is the elusive secret 

ingredient that held everything together. As Todd Gitlin says in a 

book simply entitled The Sixties (1987), “the outcome and meaning of 

the movements of the sixties are not treasures to be unearthed with 

an exultant Aha!, but sand paintings, something provisional, both 

created and revised in historical time” (433). The sixties was always, 

and continues to be, a self-conscious conversation with itself. 

The mythical glue that was used to fashion that chaotic time 

into a coherent narrative was reapplied in the 1990s by people as 

ideologically opposed to one another as Germaine Greer, Camille 

Paglia, Harold Bloom, Timothy Leary, and Richard Neville. The 

Sixties has consequently become a shorthand term pointing to a 

multiplicity of contested meanings and moments, and the revisions 

of these over time. Many social and political battles have since been 

pushed to the wayside in the artificial process of fitting history in 

to clearly demarcated, and morally legible, decades. (Did the sixties 

really end in 1970? Or begin in 1960?) 

In this chapter I turn to some very specific texts and technologies 

that have served as a rhetorical hinge between the decadence of the 

1890s and the millenarianism of the 1990s. Some readers may believe 

it is a little premature—or even ambitious—to be conducting an 

archaeological expedition into the 1960s. Excavating the libidinal 

traces of certain rhetorical strategies, however, is an important task 

in relation to the discussion at hand. Significant figures and struggles 

are necessarily absent in my selection of voices that speak of the 

sexual and nuclear revolution, mainly because I seek to uncover a 

particular stance toward these key moments that qualify as 

dionysian. Through a recontextualization of Norman O. Brown and 

Herbert Marcuse, among others, we can forge a greater understanding 

of the sixties’ influence on today’s millenarians. (Perhaps 

it is no surprise then, that such narratives are launched, on the 

whole, by the characteristic dionysian: male, embittered, American 

or European, educated, and relatively economically privileged.) To 

scrutinize the warts of the sixties—and indeed there were plenty— 

is less important, however, than to understand a turbulent time 

that spent as much energy on pinpointing a stable collective identity 

as on trying to dissolve the rigid structures of society. 

In terms of historical symmetry, the sixties came a generation too 

early. As Angela Carter quipped, “the fin is coming a little early this 

siècle” (Showalter 1). On the face of it, the sixties zeitgeist had more 

in common with that of the late nineteenth century than our own.

Cosmic Architects 119 

Certain parallels between the swinging sixties and the naughty 

nineties have been identified by critics such as Terry Eagleton, 

drawn to the fact that “[s]exual and political emancipation were 

once more in the air, late-Victorian Simple Lifers returned in the 

guise of hippies, the Aesthetes and Decadents were with us again 

in the shape of consumer hedonism” (1990: 42). 

The telescoping of two distinct historical periods is a common 

journalistic tactic, and presumes the existence of an atemporal cast 

of characters that move from one century to another like chesspieces. 

However, Eagleton goes on to highlight the differences 

between these epochs, reminding us that we must also resist the 

temptation to find transhistorical similarities. Because the world 

changed more in the two or three generations that separate the 

1890s from the 1960s than in any other seventy-year period in the 

whole of human history, we should think carefully before pronouncing 

the resurrection of cultural “types.” 

In the 1960s many young people certainly read Charles 

Baudelaire and Arthur Rimbaud in rooms adorned by William Morris 

and Aubrey Beardsley. Marcuse tells us that “the new boheme, the 

beatniks and hipsters, the peace creeps—all these ‘decadents’ now 

have become what decadence probably always was: poor refuge of 

defamed humanity” (1973: 16). Just as the decadents and symbolists 

had reacted against a hypocritical Victorian morality, so students in 

the 1960s were challenging the stifling constraints of 1950’s prudery. 

And in another parallel, this new “turn to the subject” was “caught 

up, sometimes contradictorily, with the emergence of great collective 

political movements” (Eagleton, 1990: 43). 

Many seeds planted in France in the 1880s and 1890s blossomed 

on the other side of the Channel and the Atlantic in the 1960s. The 

Flowers of Evil so beloved by European decadents were aestheticized 

by the flower children into a more traditional and accessible notion 

of beauty. The torture-garden was weeded and tended until it became 

a place appropriate for family picnics. The literary obsession with 

deflowering (symbolized by Hades’ sexual attack on Persephone as 

she gathered flowers) was replaced by a more general interest in 

reflowering. The peace movement’s image of the young hippie woman 

placing a floral tribute in the barrel of a soldier’s gun succinctly and 

symbolically reversed the dominant Sadean fantasy, distorting it into 

a form of antiphallic penetration. In this spirit, flower-power became 

the pastoralist alternative to a mechanistic, materialistic and 

militaristic worldview. 

Thus, the language of the fin de siècle was appropriated and 

adapted for new socio-political contexts. Since similar battles had 

been waged before, it seemed more appropriate to borrow from a 

well-established dissident vocabulary than to invent a totally

120 

new one. Nineteenth-century writers (most notably Karl Marx) 

provided a general archive for sixties radicals. Although national 

boundaries enclosed specific political genealogies, their lingua 

franca was sexual activity and political activism. 

Yet, just as some looked over their shoulders to draw inspiration 

from the past, others nurtured a millenarian appetite to 

destroy all existing structures and start afresh, as this anarchosurrealist 

manifesto makes clear: 

Long live the New Guinea tribe who, aware of the stupidity of 

technological civilization, massacred the managers of a washingmachine 

factory, took over the building and converted it into a 

temple for the marvellous but elusive Rabbit-god . . . . As liberated 

souls (and we are, for our quest cannot be stopped now) we 

have necessarily an historically enviable role as cosmic architects 

armed with hammers, electric guitars, and apocalyptic visions, 

but more significantly, armed with the exhilarating knowledge 

that we are able to crush systematically all obstacles placed in the 

way of our desires and build a new EVERYTHING. (Nuttall 63-65) 

This extract dramatizes the unresolved conflict of coexisting desires in 

this period: the pastoral dream of returning to the garden, and the 

utopian fantasy of starting afresh on some seductive new planet. 

Some were in search of an Arcadian Utopia, others a Utopian Arcadia. 

The dialectical pattern of the sixties was produced by traditional 

tensions between the always-already and the never-before. 

The most visible sign of these upheavals was the so-called sexual 

revolution. In a time as idiosyncratic and divided as the sixties, 

it may seem misguided (or even a little Apollonian) to identify the 

principal force that galvanized the various agendas of this decade. 

According to the myth-makers, however, almost all political idealism 

was refracted through sexual liberation. As a common graffiti of the 

time phrased it, “Revolution is the orgasm of history” (Grant 172). 

Immaculate Contraception 


America’s political need is orgies in the parks, on Boston 

Common and in the Public Gardens, with naked bacchantes 

in our national forests . . . . I am not proposing idealistic 

fancies, I am acknowledging what is already happening 

among the young in fact and fantasy, and proposing official 

blessing for these breakthroughs of community spirit . . . . 

What satisfaction is now possible for the young? Only the 

satisfaction of their Desire—love, the body, and orgy. 

Allen Ginsberg (Nuttall 191-192)


Have you walked down Haight Street at dawn and talked 

with the survivors? The Street reeks of human agony, 

despair and death, death, death. 

From the Boston Avatar (Nuttall 194) 

The end of the American sixties also signaled the end of The Orgy 

in the Baudrillardian sense. It was a time when the carnal fused 

with the carnivalesque to produce both the “sexual revolution” 

and its more overtly political configurations. Women in particular 

began experimenting with a new language that celebrated and 

encouraged the unprecedented access to, and understanding of, 

their bodies as specifically and politically sexual. Gay men also 

began to find a collective voice in which to press for an identitybased 

sexual politics. From a certain post-AIDS perspective, however, 

the sexual revolution somehow “failed” to deliver its promise 

of lasting social change. Enjoyable at the time, it did not succeed 

in opening exits from sexually restrictive institutions like the 

state, religion, capital, and family. 

In the sixties, emancipatory narratives were still de rigueur, 

although with the benefit of hindsight we can see that the concerts 

and love-ins were more concerned about negation than affirmation. 

They were against the war, against the church, against the politicians, 

against repression and oppression, against the older generation, and 

against normalizing moral systems. It followed that they were for 

peace, for anarchy, for liberation, for youth, and for “whatever turns 

you on.” To try to identify which came first—action or reaction—is not 

another chicken-and-egg question. It enables us to understand how 

the (positive) negation of fear and revolt hatched the (negative) 

affirmation of the orgy. 

The erotic common denominator of collectivity is the organizing 

principle behind Michel Maffesoli’s study, The Shadow of Dionysus 

(1993). 20 “Orgy,” in his usage, includes carnivalesque manifestations 

of the popular, and not just the prosaic permutations of group sex. It 

denotes the presence of an “obscene constant”: a transhistorical 

means of “stating the problem of sociality or alterity” (2). In tandem 

with Georges Bataille, Maffesoli presents the orgy as the matrix of an 

instinctive urge for fusion: “[it is] an ‘affective’ nebula, a tendency 

toward the orgiastic or Dionysian. Orgiastic explosions, cults of 

possession, and fusional situations have existed in all times. But 

sometimes they take on an endemic allure and become preeminent 

in the collective conscious. On whatever subjects may be, we vibrate 

in unison” (xv). 

The orgy is presented as a quasi-organic economy, a “red 

thread” that not only bonds the individual to the community but 

also ties the past to the present. Maffesoli thus develops Sigmund

122 


Freud’s point that the aim of Eros is making one out of many in the 

drive toward ever larger unities. Like the American Indian potlatch—the 

sacrifice of a community’s wealth in a joyous ceremony—the 

orgy is a sacrifice of spiritual surplus, a burning of excess 

libidinal energy. Indeed, “the group expression of desire, as a 

metaphor for the discarding of privacy and possessiveness, has 

never seemed more utopian to our acquisitive age” (Grant 129). 

Maffesoli attempts to reconcile the individual experience of 

sexual pleasure with a transcendent communality: 

It is certain that the circulation of sexuality, the initiatory bursting 

of the self, orgiastic effervescence, and collective marriages all 

refer to the ex-stasis, to going beyond the individual level onto a 

larger ensemble. It is striking to find that the domestication of 

mores, individualized culture, diverse socio-economic changes, as 

well as scientific and technical developments, have in no way lessened 

this impulse to wander. (6) 

In the sixties it certainly increased the instinct to ramble. Rock 

concerts and love-ins are two obvious examples of the return of the 

orgiastic. Others include the student activist who, when asked 

what it was like to be behind the barricades in Paris, May ’68, 

replied, “I fucked 15 girls!” (Neville, 1971: 62). To these instances 

we could add Jeff Nuttall’s interpretation of the Elvis Presley riots 

as a “revengeful rediscovery of the Dionysian ceremony. He was 

the idol in a literal sense, a deity incarnate on the old primitive 

pattern, the catalyst of a rediscovered appetite for community in 

its fundamental form, orgastic [sic] ritual” (30). 

Such eruptions represent Maffesoli’s “passional logic” which, 

“like a subterranean switchboard, defracts into a multiplicity of 

effects that inform daily life” (1). This logic points toward “a confusional 

order,” an orgiastic injunction which, instead of challenging or 

subverting the Apollonian structures of the social, completely ignores 

them. But this confusional order, which Bataille found so disorienting, 

has an almost transcendent potential for Maffesoli: 

In the orgy continuity cannot be laid hold of; individuals lose 

themselves at the climax, but in mingled confusion. The orgy is 

necessarily disappointing. Theoretically it is the complete negation 

of the individual quality. It presupposes, it even demands 

equality among the participants. Not only is individuality itself 

submerged in the tumult of the orgy, but each participant denies 

the individuality of the others. All limits are completely done away 

with, or so it seems, but it is impossible for nothing to remain of 

the differences between individuals and the sexual attraction connected 

with those differences. (129)


Perhaps psychedelic drugs aided the sense of confusion in the sixties, 

a time now characterized as a concerted (not to mention conceited) 

groping toward Maffesoli’s vision. This orgy should not be considered 

an atavistic reaction to (post)modernity, but something developing 

alongside it—society’s “shadow part.” This new modulation of the 

Dionysian would understand that “the technological innovation of 

the future will put itself at the service of the body” (11). 

There is no “after the orgy” for Maffesoli because society 

always displays a fusional impulse. Before sex, drugs, and rock ’n’ 

roll there was wine, women, and song (just as today there is intercourse, 

Internet, and industrial music). As Maffesoli is at pains to 

point out, the orgiastic is not a rational fantasy of reducing the 

Many to the One. Instead, it “allows to be the different passions 

that animate everyday life in all their diversity” (1993: 86). 

Viewed historically, Maffesoli’s study is a sophisticated 

attempt to transplant the sixties’ sexual rhetoric of Brown, James 

Hillman, Wilhelm Reich, and others, into the more labyrinthine 

environment of poststructuralist theory. In one sense it is a throwback; 

in another it illustrates the extent to which the present is still 

overshadowed by Dionysus. The enemy can no longer be identified 

as the monolithic targets of Capital or Repression, just as the subject 

can no longer be considered a stable political agent. The basically 

Manichaean-repressive model of sixties’ sexuality gives way to 

Michael Foucault’s less coherent libidinal landscape, in which all the 

obvious power-sources and reference-points have been disguised or 

dismantled. Sexuality continues to nurture subversive potential, but 

not on the macrocosmic scale it once promised. Instead, “libidinal 

activism [is now] . . . a practice of jouissance defining a microsphere 

of resistance and action allowing societies to perdure” (xxiv). 

But what prompted this Dionysian eruption of sexuality into the 

public sphere? To identify it as the inevitable return of the 

repressed does not answer the question of why the repressed chose 

to return at that particular moment. Any historical contextualization 

of the extended Summer of Love must take into account two 

global technologies: the atomic bomb and the oral contraceptive 

pill. The baby boomers were the first generation who could expect 

not only to be obliterated in a nuclear holocaust but also to have sex 

without risk of pregnancy (something former contraceptive methods 

could not guarantee with such confidence). While it is certainly true 

that nuclear anxiety characterized much of the late 1940s and 1950s, 

it is the combination of these technologies that becomes decisive in the 

1960s. Armageddon was now a military option, always on the brink 

(outside Japan and colonial test-sites) of spilling out of apocalyptic 

imagination and into reality. The profound existential fear of a

124 


nuclear holocaust coincided with an unprecedented amount of sexual 

freedom to spawn a unique moment in history, while simultaneously 

mirroring the liminal excess of other millennial moments. 

The promiscuity of this time was predicated on a multiplicity of 

possible Ends, especially the end of the world and the end of sex as a 

biological imperative. There was a sense that this could indeed be 

Apocalypse Now. The bacchic behavior that has come to symbolize 

the sixties evokes the popular etymology of “carnival” as carne-vale 

(farewell to flesh). Consequently, libidinal millenarianism celebrates 

the finitude of life, and the miracle of mortality. As Nuttall remarks, 

rampaging teenagers indulged in “temple ceremonials of the futureless” 

(30). Whatever route to extinction they took, many boomers 

decided to live up to their name and go out with a bang. 

In the modern era, writes Foucault, “sex became a crucial target 

of a power organized around the management of life rather than the 

menace of death” (1990: 147). Both nuclearism and fertility research 

have been conducted under the sign of scientific advancement, and 

have quarantined their activities from medieval notions of death. 

Foucault again makes the salient point: “If genocide is indeed the 

dream of modern powers, this is not because of a recent return of the 

ancient right to kill; it is because power is situated and exercised at 

the level of life, the species, the race, and the large-scale phenomena 

of population” (ibid.: 137). In other words, the emergence of scientific 

technologies for prolonging and improving human life created ideal 

conditions for mass death and even extinction. 

Both the Bomb and the Pill were revolutionary devices, conceived 

by science in order to negate life for some, and enhance it for 

others. They were technologies invented in a race against both time 

and the Other. In Peter Jordan’s film, The Sleep of Reason (1994), 

the Los Alamos of the 1940s is presented as a “utopian community,” 

led by Oppenheimer in a crusade to save the (civilized) world. 

Similarly, Sanger and Pincus believed that their work had the 

potential to save the West from a devastating population explosion, 

also located east of the United States. 

Sexless Hydrogen: The Frisson of Fission 

[T]here appears in many cities a kind of helplessness once they 

begin to realize that they are objects marked for destruction. 

The Mayor of Milwaukee (1950) (Boyer, 1985: 282) 

Nuttall’s book Bomb Culture (1972) is a fascinating textual artifact 

of that decade. It documents the antibomb movement in England,


and its intellectual and artistic allies and influences. Nuttall’s 

genealogy is very similar to my own, following that chaotic trail of 

ideas from Sade through Friedrich Nietzsche to the Surrealists and 

Situationists. He argues that there was a Copernican shift after 

Hiroshima, and that the Bomb terrified the young into a kind of 

frenzied nihilism, which left them incapable of conceiving that life 

had a future: 

The question then was practical. How best could one go about the 

business of waiting in humiliation for the end of man? One could, 

to begin with, become more passive . . . . Another thing we could 

do was live for sensation . . . live for sex rather than love, for 

speed rather than safety, for kicks. It is my experience that a large 

number of teenagers became then, and remain, incapable of thinking 

more than half an hour ahead. (105-106) 

Nuttall identifies this as part of an “anti-gestalt,” the “instinct to 

leave nothing complete” (ibid.). 

The young—or at least those wealthy enough to engage in such 

apathetic posturing—were thus straddling a pendulum that swung 

between a panicked energy and what Paul Boyer labels an “ominous 

terminal lassitude” (1985: 263). Nuttall’s assertion that the generation 

gap was opened up by bomb-culture undermines those “boomer 

vs generation x” or “hippie vs punk” clichés that continue to circulate 

in the media. Johnny Rotten’s catch-cry, “No future,” speaks of 

an anxious continuity across the decades. Popular readings of the 

alleged generation gap contrast today’s solipsism and apathy with 

the sixties’ energetic engagement with the world. But these tend to 

forget that “the pale face of Juliette [Greco], without make-up 

except around the eyes, with whited lips, has been the mask for 

female middle-class rebels ever since. The style, with its necrophiliac 

overtones, constitutes another device for living with the possibility of 

death. Boredom was a mode” (Nuttall 37). 

Nuttall’s description still applies, conjuring up the ubiquitous 

image of the goth in the 1980s and 1990s. Here too, boredom and 

the possibility of death fuse into a subcultural identity. The cultural 

climate of the sixties, however, was unprecedented. For the first 

time, a man-made secular dread permeated the social fabric with 

quasi-religious consequences. For Paul Virilio, consciousness of 

nuclear danger is stimulated less by the risk that nuclear weaponry 

will be deployed then by the fact that “it exists and is imploding in 

our minds” (1986: 150). 

This ominous Eschaton also became the basis of that kind of 

inverted liberation that Andrew Milner calls “apocalyptic hedonism” 

(36). In a Sadean aftershock, influential writers such as J. G. 

Ballard produced near-futuristic fables predicated on the belief that

126 


“the hydrogen bomb was a symbol of absolute freedom. I feel it’s 

given me the right—the obligation even—to do anything I want” 

(Pringle 133). Norman Mailer’s advice for the atomic age is just as 

relevant now as it was then, when he said that “the only life-giving 

answer is to accept the terms of death, to live with death as 

immediate danger, to divorce oneself from society, to exist without 

roots, to set out on that uncharted journey into the rebellious 

imperatives of the self” (Nuttall 17). So much, then, for the claim 

that the sixties rejuvenated the idea of idealistic community. 

Nuttall believes that “the mass of young people would probably 

not have registered their insecurity so thoroughly, would not have 

divided themselves off so completely as a cultural group, had they 

been conscious of the origins and content of their unease” (11). The 

origin was Hiroshima, and the content was irrational mass death. 

To consciously focus on this “unease,” whether politically or personally, 

proved too much for this and subsequent generations to 

bear. 

In the early 1970s, Neville maintained that people don’t care 

about dying if everybody else is going to die too: “Duffle coats and 

CND [Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament] badges symbolized a 

new generational identity. For the young, being sad about the 

Bomb was fun” (1971: 26). Although directed against people like 

Nuttall, such remarks do nothing to weaken the argument of 

Bomb Culture. The loaded word here is fun, for Neville seems to 

believe that terror and fun are mutually exclusive. Yet both can 

coexist in the one psyche (or subculture), each shaping the other 

in a complementary conflict. 

Nuttall’s narrative vibrates with the tension between a desire 

for macrocosmic political change and a belief that salvation is to be 

found in hedonistic excess—between what Neville dubbed the 

“hard-line lefty” and the “hard-on hippy” positions (ibid.: 224). 

Kerouac provides us with a typical example: 

It’s the great molecular comedown. Of course that’s only my whimsical 

name for it at the moment. It’s really an atomic disease, you 

see. . . . It’s death, finally reclaiming life, the scurvy of the soul at 

last, a kind of universal cancer. It’s got a real medieval ghastliness, 

like the plague, only this time it will ruin everything, don’t 

you see? Everybody is going to fall apart, disintegrate, all character 

structures based on tradition and uprightness and so-called 

morality will slowly rot away, people will get the hives right on 

their hearts, great crabs will cling to their brains . . . their lungs 

will crumble. But now we have only the symptoms, the disease 

isn’t really underway yet—virus X. (Nuttall 113) 

This “disease” is certainly with us now, whether we call it “AIDS”,


“market correction”, “the digital divide”, “postmodernism” or whatever. 

These doomsday images were as much Oppenheimer’s creation as 

Kerouac’s. It is clear from the tone of his conclusion that Kerouac does 

not write out of resignation and fear. “Whatever it is, I’m all for it,” he 

says. “It may be a carnival of horror at first—but something strange 

will come of it, I’m convinced” (ibid.). In the sixties, the Grim Reaper 

of immanent extinction said “check” to the collective life force of the 

libido; the young, instead of pondering the strategic options on offer, 

did the equivalent of tipping over the chess-table. The Bomb and the 

Pill seemed to be sitting on either side of a giant seesaw, with the 

world watching on. 

Herbert Marcuse has noted that “the mere anticipation of the 

inevitable end, present in every instant, introduces a repressive 

element into all libidinal relations and renders pleasure itself 

painful” (1973: 162). Jonathan Swift also understood that such a 

debauched reaction to imminent destruction was inevitable. 

Imagining the reaction of Londoners to the arrival of a doomsday 

comet, Swift wrote: “They drank, they whored, they swore, they lied, 

they cheated, they quarrelled, they murdered. In short, the world 

went on in the old channel” (Boyer, 1985: 240). 

Boyer shares Nuttall’s conviction that the Bomb had an 

unprecedented and underrated impact on the psychocultural landscape 

in the second half of the twentieth century. In his study of 

early reactions to the dawning of the nuclear age, By the Bomb’s 

Early Light (1985), Boyer writes, “It is as though the Bomb has 

become one of those categories of Being, like Space and Time, that, 

according to Kant, are built into the very structure of our minds, 

giving shape and meaning to all our perceptions” (xviii). 

In the late 1940s America was terrified by the Frankensteinian 

power it had unleashed on its enemies, and believed it was only a 

matter of time before a new enemy would inflict it on them. The billboard 

promise of a safe and clean nuclear-fueled suburban utopia 

barely veiled the anxieties provoked by this scientific revolution. 

Repentant atomic scientists seized on this fear and manipulated it 

politically in a strategic campaign to return the Horror to its 

Pandora’s Box; for as Boyer notes, “the politicization of terror was a 

decisive factor in shaping the post-Hiroshima cultural climate” (66). 

These scientists toured the nation to alert people to the sinister subtext 

of the government’s assurances that nuclear power would “set 

man on the road to the new millennium” (126). They were criticized 

for pushing the nation “toward a state of near panic” in the attempt 

to realize their objective. In 1946 the historian Erich Kahler 

delivered this warning to the atomic scientists: 

The general fear, on which so many people count as a restraining

128 


influence, is a questionable defence. Between fear and its object 

there exists a menacing and magic interaction which tends to 

gradual intensification, and eventually to a panic merging of the 

two. In a crisis, help has never come from fear, but only from calm 

and careful consideration. (73—my emphasis) 

The political mobilization of fear by scientific activists created a 

powerful legacy that had a major impact on the (counter) culture of 

the sixties. This “panic merging” was realized in an orgiastic fusion 

of the young with an imagined apocalypse. Living in the shadow of 

not only Dionysus but also of instant destruction, they experienced 

the “orgy” in Maffesoli’s sense, namely, as “death collectively lived.” 

Right from the beginning, commentators contextualized the atomic 

bomb in long established apocalyptic narratives. Certain biblical 

phrases—such as “the heavens shall pass away with a great noise, 

and the elements shall melt with fervent heat, the earth also and 

the works therein shall be burned up” (2 Pe. 3:10)—suddenly 

seemed chillingly significant. After combing the world’s literature 

for similar prophecies, the Manhattan Project seemed to be merely 

fulfilling something that had been foretold many centuries before. 

As far back as 1681, Thomas Burnet had predicted in his Sacred 

Theory of the Earth, that “Seeds of Fire” were sealed within atoms 

in the center of the earth, and that on the last day God would 

release the “Chains” holding these fires in check (Boyer, 1985: 240). 

Bataille framed his own reaction in similar terms: “Truman would 

appear to be blindly fulfilling the prerequisites for the final—and 

secret—apotheosis. It will be said that only a madman could perceive 

such things in the Marshall and Truman plans. I am that 

madman” (Brown 1991: 181). But many others were equally “mad.” 

Put simply, panic was the initial reaction to this situation. The 

herd-instinct to flee was very powerful, according to Boyer, in the days 

following the destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The sixties 

were seeded not only by the resonant headlines of the times, but also 

by the rash of science-fiction novels that followed this unprecedented 

event. Stories such as Ward Moore’s Greener than You Think (1947) 

became allegories for a civilization that first greeted imminent 

destruction with hedonistic hysteria and then lapsed into numbing 

apathy—a move that in many ways maps the trajectory from the 

1960s to the present: “Panicky survivors scavenge in supermarkets, 

copulate randomly, drink themselves into a stupor, or go quietly 

insane” (Boyer, 1985: 262). Pan was back in town after a lengthy 

absence, and inciting the riotous against the righteous. Even Cornell 

University scientists who were testing for “human susceptibility to 

crack-up and panic” (ibid.: 323) conducted their experiments on “psychoneurotic 

goats” placed near the Marshall islands nuclear test site.


Nearly two decades later, those children who had crouched 

under their desks during nuclear drills began pooling the precarious 

flame of life which flickered within them. This was now a culture in 

which a fourteen-year-old schoolboy could write; “The hydrogen 

bomb reeks with death. Death, death to thousands. A burning, searing 

death, a death that is horrible, lasting death. The most horrible 

death man has invented; the destroying annihilating death of atomic 

energy. The poisoning, killing, destroying death. Death of the 

ages, of man, the lasting death” (ibid.: 350). Registered in this paragraph 

is not the timeless, universal, and profoundly mortal fear of 

death, but hysteria caused by the possibility of mass extinction. 

Such kids began to realize Lewis Mumford’s fear that in its attempt 

to escape or deny Armageddon, society would turn toward “fantasy 

. . . purposeless sexual promiscuity [and] narcotic indulgence” 

(ibid.: 287). 

Significantly in terms of my study, Michel Foucault situated 

himself in this nuclear genealogy, which created the psychosocial 

conditions for what has since been swept under the carpet of “the 

Sixties.” He admitted having 

very early memories of an absolutely threatening world, which 

could crush us. To have lived as an adolescent in a situation that 

had to end, that had to lead to another world, for better of worse, 

was to have the impression of spending one’s entire childhood in 

the night, waiting for dawn. That prospect of another world 

marked the people of my generation, and we have carried with us, 

perhaps to excess, a dream of Apocalypse. (Beachy 27) 

During the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1963, Bob Dylan wrote “A Hard 

Rain’s a Gonna Fall”, and explained that his convoluted lyrics were 

really a collection of first lines for songs that may not have the opportunity 

to be written. In contrast to Michael André Bernstein’s belief 

that apocalyptic fantasy affords pleasure in “direct proportion to its 

improbability” (1992: 39), the forty years of cold war nuclear anxiety 

ensured that a period of artistic potlatch was at hand; a public burning 

of emotional and psychological baggage. Contributing to this notso-improbable 

end-pleasure, Brown strove for a “fiery consummation” 

in metaphoric rather than nuclear terms, noting that “the Loins [are] 

the place of the Last Judgement” (1990: 178). 

These various responses to the Bomb all question Ginsberg’s 

famous description of Hydrogen as sexless. If Ginsberg used the 

term to mean nonspecific gender, then he did so against the grain 

of a contemporary feminizing and masculinizing of the Bomb by 

different parties for different purposes. When we split the hydrogen 

atom, are we creating yet another discontinuity that Mother Nature 

cannot abide, and will consequently punish with a holocaustal howl?

130 

Will they rush to reunify, like Plato’s divided beings? Brown warns us 

that “in the twentieth century, in this age of fission, we can split the 

individual even as we can split the atom” (ibid.: 82). 

Dionysus in ‘69 


As all the living forms of life are the lineal descendents of 

those which lived long before the Silurian epoch, we may feel 

certain that the ordinary succession by generation has never 

once been broken, and that no cataclysm has desolated the 

whole world. Hence we may look with some confidence to a 

secure future of equally inappreciable length. 

Charles Darwin (489) 

Since Apollo is often described as an artificer, it is not impossible to 

think of technology as inspired by Apollo and infused with Apollonian 

values. “Nature,” on the other hand, is the realm of Dionysus, and 

never the twain shall meet. We would indeed be living in a drastically 

different world if the first men to walk on the moon had got there 

in the rocket ship Dionysus. This begs the question of whether there 

is such a thing as Dionysian artifice. Is this term oxymoronic? I 

have already argued that cybersex is an example of this fragile 

fusion, and at this point I offer the Pill as another possibility. 

In her study of libidinal millenarianism, Sexing the Millennium 

(1993), Linda Grant provides evidence in support of the oral contraceptive 

pill as an Apollonian artifact. As an instant relic of both “the 

god of all plastic powers” (Nietzsche, 1956: 97), the Pill was designed 

to help solve what was perceived (and indeed still is) as one of the 

greatest challenges facing humanity: overpopulation. While some saw 

nuclear bombs as a solution to the problem, the majority believed in 

less drastic alternatives. Technology, however, can be put to uses other 

than those intended by its inventors. The Pill would turn out to be yet 

another Frankenstein’s monster in that strange utopian community 

that crystallized around Katherine Dexter McCormick, Margaret 

Sanger, and Gregory Pincus only four or five years after its introduction 

into the United States in 1960. 

This Apollonian artifice was invented in the interests of controlling 

the population explosion in the Third World. In addition to the 

racist implications inevitably harbored by such a project, it had 

unforeseen Dionysian effects at home. As with the atom bomb, the Pill


was developed in a climate of passionate optimism, when science was 

allegedly poised to solve all social and economic problems. In both 

cases, a technology devised to keep the “yellow peril” at bay came back 

to haunt the West, this time in the milder form of a moral apocalypse: 

“The Pill was to become one of the most potent symbols of the sixties’ 

faith in progress, an iconic representation like the inner-city tower 

block of the failure of technology to fulfill our dreams” (Grant 59). 

It is ironic, then, that this product of a belief in scientific 

progress would fuel the fire already started by those who were 

working against the rational, the imperialistic, and the teleological. 

Nuttall acknowledges the pervasiveness of new technologies in the 

counterculture, and like Grant, he remembers the sexual revolution 

as a collage of “zippers, leathers, boots, PVC, see-through plastics, 

male make-up, a thousand overtones of sexual deviation, particularly 

sadism, and everywhere, mixed in with amphetamines, was the 

birth pill” (34). 

Grant sees the prophecies of the hippies as echoing various 

millenarian movements such as the seventeenth-century Ranters, 

who preached a doctrine of sexual freedom, and thus linked erotic 

emancipation with demands for social and political changes. For 

Grant, sexuality is a highly significant site of contestation which 

consistently resurfaces in turbulent times. She quotes an anonymous 

“witness”: 

In the sixties you almost had to fuck for the good of the human race. 

It was your moral duty to keep this thing going like a transcendental 

chain letter, in order to improve our lot and save the planet. 

There was a general idea that people who controlled the world and 

created all the evil, did so because they couldn’t fuck . . . . It was 

loosely, sloppily but definitely messianic and programmatic. (130) 

Here sexuality is seen as a healing and benevolent force, without 

the darker connotations conferred upon it by Bataille or Sade. But 

if it was a messianic programme, who was the messiah? Was it, 

like the Free Spirit, that god within which exiled sin? 

(Considering this context, it is significant that Norman Cohn’s 

classic study, The Pursuit of the Millennium [1957], was itself a 

cult book at the time.) 

The most visible Dionysian cult of the sixties in Europe and 

America included those hordes of young people who worshiped at 

the technologically enhanced altar of rock ’n’ roll. Messianic figures 

such as Jim Morrison and Mick Jagger spun apocalyptic tales of 

terror and transcendence, while tabs of LSD dissolved on pious 

tongues like communion wafers. If wandering bands of flagellants 

excited millenarian fever in the eleventh and thirteenth centuries, 

then traveling bands of rock musicians were the most prominent

132 


prophets in the 1960s, enciting carnivalesque confusion. Whereas 

literature had been the main site for angst and ennui in the nineteenth 

century, rock ’n’ roll became the dominant form of expression 

for transgressive impulses in the time of the pill. 

“Human culture is human sacrifice,” Brown reminds us, and we 

must therefore come to terms with “that heroical frenzy which was 

the life of . . . Jimi Hendrix” (1991: 197). A popular explanation of 

the deaths of Jimi, Janis, and Jim, is that the “battered Gods of the 

old order” still needed sacrifices to placate them. The music and 

lyrics of the time compose an extensive archive of fin de siècle decadence. 

But as Gitlin points out, “music couldn’t stay at millennial 

pitch any more than politics” (428). 

Music has enjoyed an undisputed status as the younger generation’s 

most popular medium of Dionysian expression. In the sixties, 

however, live dramatic performance was one of the most intense 

and subversive art forms. At this time, alternative theatre peddled 

an explosive concoction of anarchistic ideas imported from Antonin 

Artaud, Alfred Jarry, and Bertolt Brecht, as well as from surrealists 

and situationists. The German wing of the Mexican PANic 

group mounted chaotic guerrilla performances to spread their 

absurdist orgiastic gospel, as did collectives such as the Vienna 

Institute of Direct Art and the Japanese Zero Dimension Group 

(Nuttall 119, 178). 

In 1968 the innocuously named Performance Group—which 

was later to become Julian Beck’s Living Theater—produced its 

own mythology of the sexual revolution by reinterpreting 

Euripides’ Bacchae as a hip exploration of the erotic apocalypse, 

called (and the pun was undoubtably intended) Dionysus in ’69. In 

his review, Stefan Brecht describes “[t]he women on top, standing 

separate and self-contained in ecstasy. The men on the floor are 

undulating, a wave-motion in masturbatory or coital flexions, the 

women above them in the pelvic thrusts of coitus or orgasm” (156). 

The unintentional pathos of this performance provoked Brecht to 

question why, in a late capitalist environment, the orgy is 

inevitably pornographic, and whether its political and aesthetic 

impact is diluted under the auspices of art: “The choreography of 

these anonymous couplings suggests the impersonality of street 

prostitution. Their intensity, duration, realism . . . make the play 

a sex show: a play of unsentimental enthusiasm; unbridled, glandular” 

(163). This reincarnation of Nietzsche’s beloved art minimizes 

Apollonian order and structure: scripts were rarely followed, 

and spontaneity and unpredictability were encouraged by audience 

participation: “we are shown individuation as incidental to humanity, 

humanity as a block of self-procreating spasmic meat. The message 

seems to be: let us not deny within us or within others this ori-


gin, our true identity—flesh out of flesh, issue of sperm, orgasm, 

spasm” (ibid.: 157). 

Brecht’s evocation of Dionysus in ’69 serves to remind us once 

again that Eros and Thanatos are inseparable. He writes that this 

play swings between “jejune hedonism and panic,” creating “a 

theatre of fear disguised . . . a universe of joylessly egoist obsession 

acted out in endless repetition in an atmosphere of dread” 

(166, 168). Because it takes place in the nuclear climate, “[i]ts 

kinetics intimate the apprehension of combat missions and the 

orgiastic mise-en-scène submerges the fable-nexus between death 

and orgiastic ecstasy” (165). 

Dionysus in ’69 was a sign of the times, in that it proposed 

screwing as a political alternative to war. In a curiously puritan 

twist, however, it was not presented in a joyous fashion. For if we 

can trust Brecht to speak for the audience as a whole, the general 

effect was a “stunned introspection, the sadness, the desperation of 

taking stock of oneself. The attitude promoted . . . is frantic lust 

for lust” (164). Here we find the seeds of Baudrillard’s simulated 

and postalienated narcissism; the sense that the orgy was over 

before it had begun. 

If the orgy was so traumatic in 1969—that allegedly utopian 

window of light—was it ever the vital communion that we have 

been led to believe? If Ginsberg’s nymphomaniac portrait is indeed 

just an idealist fancy, then perhaps we cannot discount the fact that 

every era since the Fall has come “after the orgy.” Perhaps we 

should refigure the sixties, like the premillennial nineties, as 

simultaneously before, during, and after the Orgy. As an ideal, the 

orgiastic thus becomes a caricature, a carrot which—in typical cartbefore-the-horse 

fashion—we dangle behind us rather than in front. 

It makes me wonder whether the cults of the Free Spirit, Ranters, 

Adamites, and the Taborites—romanticized in the sixties as Edenic 

fuck-fests—were also held inside the Grim Reaper’s brothel. 

Other narratives from the 1960s are certainly not so explicitly 

morbid. Bliss Apocalypse, a play written by Daniel Moore for the 

Floating Lotus Magic Opera Company, was also performed in 1969. 

Its eschatological perspective is more mystical, in emphasizing the 

rebirth inherent in death. This Lawrentian fascination with the 

Phoenix reflects the millennial sixties in a more optimistic mood: 

Our thirst for the primordial kept us from using electricity to 

amplify any of the instruments or actors. The whole vision was 

designed to be performed outside in the raw air of IT, on a hillside 

after civilization blow all their plugs and still the Spirit dancing 

and approachable and manifestable within us! Haunted by feelings 

of cultural hopelessness, we created out of cardboard and 

cloth the rippings of eternal music, flute-flashes in the smoldering

134 


dark! To approach men with mouths abruptly open, to let sincerities 

flow in this marketplace of violent madmen kicking over the 

vegetables! (53) 

The sacredness of sexuality is replaced by the sexuality of sacredness, 

for nothing overtly libidinal takes place in Bliss Apocalypse. 

Rapture is achieved via a direct connection with IT—God, Life, 

Love, and the Eschaton . . . whatever you want to call it. The End 

is normalized and domesticated in the concept of rebirth and its 

accompanying ecstatic state: 

The Dead are hopelessly confused 

The Dead do not know they are dead . . . . 

They believe they still live in Bodies 

But their bodies are heaped like papers 

Their spirits float like leaves! 

Oh this is Transformation of Death Consciousness 

Through Underworld Tunnels to Sunrise 

We descend to the Place of Shades 

To Transform Death-Wish Falcons into Light! (65) 

These Death-Wish Falcons could be seen circling the Trinity 

Nuclear Test site in the Alamogordo desert in 1945. One witness of 

the first atomic explosion coped with the enormity of its impact by 

returning to familiar notions of rebirth: “[o]n that moment hung 

eternity. Time stood still, space contracted to a pinpoint. It was as 

though the earth had split . . . . The big boom came seconds after 

the great flash—the first cry of a newborn world” (Sleep of Reason). 

William Laurence, having witnessed the same explosion, appropriated 

the erotic climax of Molly Bloom’s narrative for his own purposes: 

“The hills said yes and the mountains chimed in yes. It was 

as if the earth had spoken and the suddenly iridescent clouds and 

sky had joined in one affirmative answer. Atomic energy—yes” 

(Boyer, 1985: 250). By transgressing the laws of nature we had 

transcended ourselves. 

The cold war context of Bliss Apocalypse is unmistakable, its 

response being more concerned with sublimation than subversion. 

It refuses to engage with various problems, one of which is that the 

existence of nuclear weapons automatically negates any concept of 

rebirth that includes the human: hence its retreat into mysticism. 

This ageless story of a plea for supernatural assistance depoliticizes 

apocalypse by recycling it as myth. But I guess a happy ending is 

necessary for a play that invites “communes . . . to do comic versions 

of Bliss Apocalypse with children” (70).


Echoing the quote from Tom Robbins at the beginning of this chapter, 

Grant notes that “for twenty years, between the invention of 

the Pill and the beginning of the AIDS epidemic, there was a 

moment which had never occurred in history before, when sex was 

free from the threats of both pregnancy and disease. What, if anything, 

were the lasting effects of that window into the light?” (20). 

Once again the sixties are portrayed as one last moment of illumination 

before the dark curtains of the late twentieth century are 

drawn. Unfortunately, this “window of light” metaphor obscures the 

more gruesome aspects of the period. AIDS was the final nail in the 

coffin of an already ailing sexual revolution. Grant documents the 

“almost cosmic sense that there is a conspiracy against sex at work 

in the world,” for every time we seek to quench the thirst of Eros, 

“something keeps poisoning the well” (132). 

Jean Baudrillard dates the rise of AIDS with the demise of sexual 

liberation, although he doesn’t see it as simply a case of the 

virus gate-crashing the orgy. He regards AIDS as a paradoxical 

result of “the very success of prophylaxis and medicine” (1993b: 64). 

The extermination of humanity, he argues, begins with the extermination 

of humanity’s germs, for “under the reign of the virus you 

are destroyed by your own antibodies. This is the leukaemia of an 

organism devouring its own defences, precisely because all threat, 

all adversity, has disappeared” (ibid.). 

In a politically dangerous balancing act, Jean Baudrillard 

views AIDS as neither divine punishment nor a CIA plot. Instead, 

it is an internal mechanism that prevents the system from plunging 

us “into the void” (ibid.: 69), a total circulation that leads to dispersion. 

Thus, in a typically Baudrillardian twist, AIDS does not so 

mucy destroy sex as preserve it. AIDS is a form of resistance: it 

saves us from the “even worse eventuality” of a “total promiscuity,” 

in which “sex itself would self-destruct in the resulting asexual 

flood” (ibid.: 68). This is not a moral argument, although it is highly 

susceptible to interpretation as such: “[a]t present we live according 

to at least two principles: that of sexual liberation and that of 

communication and information. And everything suggests that the 

species itself, via the threat of AIDS, is generating an antidote to its 

principle of sexual liberation” (ibid.: 66). 

But in 1969 the deadly side of sex was still only metaphoric, 

falling as it did between syphilis and AIDS. In that same year 

Germaine Greer, Jean Shrimpton, and Heathcote Williams started a 

magazine entitled Suck, which attempted to create an alternative and 

liberating pornography free from the banal and sexist trappings of 

England’s Soho. Even at the time, Greer had to admit that much of it 

“derived from the fantasy machines developed by commercial pornography 

to reinforce the sexual status quo” (Grant 212). Long before sex

136 


became fatal, the material was still “heavy with hatred and cruelty 

and [the] desire of death” (ibid.), reinforcing Julian Pefanis’s point that 

“[p]ornography ultimately is more about death than it is sex; Thanatos 

surpasses Eros [in] an ‘erotics of agony’” (137). The opaque plastic 

wrappers of porn magazines merely masked the creeping suspicion 

that the sexual revolution would leave only a market in its wake. 

In the 1964 film Dr Strangelove: Or How I Stopped Worrying and 

Learned to Love the Bomb, Stanley Kubrick explicitly identifies the 

fear of sexuality as the possible trigger of a nuclear attack. General 

Ripper—who has clearly let his cold war paranoia get the better of 

him – explains his theories on fluoridation: 

General Ripper: “It’s incredibly obvious isn’t it? A foreign substance 

is introduced into our precious bodily fluids without the 

knowledge of the individual, certainly without any choice. That’s 

the way your hardcore commie works.” 

Mandrake: “Tell me, when did you first become . . . develop this 

theory?” 

General Ripper: “Well, I . . . ah, I . . . I first became aware of 

it, Mandrake, during the physical act of love. Yes a profound sense 

of fatigue, a feeling of emptiness followed. Luckily I was able to 

interpret these feelings correctly: loss of essence. I can assure you 

it has not reoccurred, Mandrake. Women sense my power and they 

seek the life essence. I do not avoid women, Mandrake, but I do 

deny them my essence.” 

General Ripper translates the external, political “threat” of 

communism into a model of contagion bearing directly on the body. 

The irony, of course, is that his life-essence is the libidinous energy 

that unleashes mass death and destruction on the world. The climax 

that he has been stoically denying himself in his relations with 

women explodes in a momentous “wargasm,” a “pornography of violence” 

(Ruthven 38). It is indeed a telling indicator of the sixties 

zeitgeist that Dr. Strangelove ends with a full-scale nuclear war 

instead of a more optimistic Hollywood compromise. 

Libidinal links between sex and the legacy of the Manhattan 

Project are not restricted to fiction, however. In his monograph on 

Nuclear Criticism (1993), Ken Ruthven cites a few examples of how 

the Bomb was eroticized in the mid-1940s. The actress Linda 

Christians was described as “Hollywood’s Anatomic Bomb” in a 

necrophiliac publicity shot, just as Rita Hayworth was stenciled on 

one of the “devices” dropped on the Marshall islands in 1946. The 

bikini—which has become the quintessential symbol of female sexuality—was 

invented by the French engineer Louis Reard, and

named after the Bikini Atoll testing zone. Ruthven also wonders 

what gang-rape fantasies lurk behind the title of W. C. Anderson’s 

book on these tests: 12000 Men and One Bikini (63). (A phallic trope 

that has since been appropriated by the cartoon character Tank 

Girl, who sports a bikini actually made out of missiles.) 

Dr. Strangelove and Bomb Culture point to the undercurrent of 

pessimism in the sexual revolution. My point in drawing attention 

to them is not to deny the utopian and hedonistic aspects of the sixties, 

but to observe that these festive spectacles were predicated on 

—and inextricably bound to—a profound fear of apocalypse. Both 

the cold war and the Vietnam War are often portrayed as external 

conflicts that significantly influenced domestic affairs in the United 

States. But in fact the hippies made love not as an alternative to 

war, but as an extension of it: they fucked with the taste of death in 

their mouths. 

Such matters run counter to media clichés of the sixties 

through images of frolicking nymphs and satyrs at Woodstock. 

Although that festival began as a model of utopian possibility, by 

the third day it had deteriorated into a nightmare of hunger, bad 

trips, disorientation, and exhaustion: Pan-ism turned into panic. 

The Rolling Stones’ concert at Altamont was an inevitable inrush of 

oxygen in the utopian vacuum of 1969. As Stefan Brecht notes, “the 

flower child and the Hell’s Angel are two sides of a coin,” and the 

“loving hip” is apt to turn into the “vicious hip” (161). 

Interpretations of Woodstock as a utopia degenerating into chaos 

and confusion—seen as symbolic of the sixties themselves—fail to 

take into account the horror and panic that encouraged the “free 

love” in the first place. 

The Politics of Play 

The politics of play: international, equi-sexual, inter-racial 

survival strategy for the future, the laughing gas to counteract 

tomorrow’s Mace. Onward to the eighties, Motherfuckers! 

Is there life before death? 


Neville (1971: 228) 

Virilio (1983: 140) 

In the 1940s and 1950s, the eccentric philosopher Wilhelm Reich

138 


believed that the woes of civilization could be remedied by 

“unleashing” Eros in the form of Orgone energy. By the 1960s, however, 

Reich’s “cult of the orgasm,” was rejected by the popular front 

of the sexual revolution: “Out goes Reich’s fuddy duddy orgone box,” 

writes Neville; “in comes happy, hippy playful sex” (1971: 224-225). 

Brown also saw little prospect of redemption in the orgasm, mainly 

because he believed it to be a strategic effect of “genital tyranny” 

(an observation more recently refined in the breathtaking writings 

of Leo Bersani). Brown exposed Reich’s pseudo-subversive solution 

as an ally of that “exaggerated concentration on one of the many 

erotic potentialities” upon which Apollonian culture depends 

(Brown, 1970: 27). 

For Brown, the issue must always be framed by eschatology. 

“The question is: What shall man do to be saved?” (57). Taking a tip 

from detective novels, he seeks the answer to this question where 

you would least expect to find it; in the death-drive: 

Freud was right: our real desires are unconscious. It also begins to 

be apparent that mankind, unconscious of its real desires and 

therefore unable to obtain satisfaction is hostile to life and ready 

to destroy life itself. Freud was right then in positing a death 

instinct, and the development of weapons of destruction makes 

our present dilemma plain: we either come to terms with our 

unconscious instincts and drives—with life and with death—or 

else we surely die. (x) 

According to Brown, this knowledge leads to a condition we all suffer 

from: “death-in-life,” a direct result of civilization’s artificial separation 

of being and not-being. Such an existential split, he argues, 

prompted an immense withdrawal of libido from life. “Whereas in 

previous ages life had been a mixture of Eros and Thanatos,” writes 

Brown, “in the Protestant era life becomes a pure culture of the 

death instinct” (ibid.). 

Brown believes that our anxiety about death has been constructed 

historically, and is not (as we are led to believe) instinctual 

or metaphysical. As a consequence, life and death are united on 

the organic level, but split on the psychic level, and this cultural 

fracture is discernible in everything we do, say, or think. Brown disagrees 

with prophets of doom such as Arthur Schopenhauer 

because they “spuriously” affirm death over life, as if the two could 

ever be judged separately. As Rainer Maria Rilke says, “Whoever 

rightly understands and celebrates death, at the same time magnifies 

life” (ibid.: 108). 

In staring death in the face, Brown aligns himself more with 

decadent than romantic strains of thought. “Romanticism is infantilism,” 

he argues, “because it ignores the demands of the reality-


principle” (39), and therefore offers no solution. The natural process 

of death must not be excluded from the ego, but incorporated within 

it, so that discontinuous being (to use one of Bataille’s terms) can 

be integrated with existence. 

It soon becomes clear that Brown’s embrace of Thanatos 

follows the biblical trajectory towards revelation and millenarian 

transcendence: 

For the therapist and humanitarian, a philosophy of history has to 

take the form of an eschatology, declaring the conditions under 

which redemption from the human neurosis is possible . . . . The 

reunification of life and death . . . can be envisioned only as the 

end of the historical process . . . history, as neurosis, press[es] 

restlessly and unconsciously toward the abolition of history and 

the attainment of a state of rest which is also a reunification with 

nature (1970: 86, 91). 

Brown thus manipulates Hegel’s belief that “history is what man 

does with death” (102), namely, repress it. According to such a 

scheme, humans are neurotic animals trapped within time. But if 

we were able to reconcile and reunify those instinctual opposites, 

life and death, then history itself would end, for it is that conflict 

that produces “time” in the first place. We would then be free, for 

“only repressed life is in time and unrepressed life would be timeless 

or in eternity” (93). Brown thus sees repression as generating 

not only culture but also its vessel, namely, historical time. By seeking 

salvation in the timeless id, psychoanalysis therefore harbors 

age-old religious aspirations for a Sabbath of Eternity. 

This is all very well as a messianic program for the sixties. 

But how are we go about the enormous task of reunifying the 

instinctual opposites of life and death? For Brown, the solution to 

this all-pervading Apollonian denial is, quite simply, a return to 

Dionysus. Insisting on the bodily foundation of all human endeavor, 

Brown’s psychoanalytic prophecy foresees the evolution of a 

Dionysian “consciousness”: 

The human ego must face the Dionysian reality, and therefore a 

great work of self-transformation lies ahead of it . . . . As long 

as the structure of the ego is Apollonian, Dionysian experience can 

only be bought at the price of ego-dissolution. Nor can the issue be 

resolved by a “synthesis” of the Apollonian and the Dionysian; the 

problem is the construction of a Dionysian ego. (175) 

While Brown admits the immensity of such a project, he detects 

signs of its emergence not only in “the sexology of de Sade and 

the politics of Hitler” but also in “the romantic reaction” (176).

140 


Neither provides an inspiring model for the new man. But 

Brown’s point (supported by thinkers such as Marcuse) is that 

such “monsters” are spawned by the “sleep of reason,” and would 

not have assumed such horrific forms in a more directly 

Dionysian culture. The Dionysian exuberance proposed here is 

more than just a safety-valve for preventing such organized 

atrocities as the death camps and hydrogen bombs. It is the very 

basis of communal experience. 

Brown’s unrepressed subject would be someone strong enough 

to live, and therefore strong enough to die. He (and there is no 

doubt that this subject is gendered masculine) would be “what no 

man has ever been, an individual” (291). Because the Dionysian 

consciousness would neither observe the limit, nor “not negate anymore” 

(308), it shares certain qualities with Nietzsche’s Overman 

(Übermensch). Both are comfortable with the idea that “what has 

become perfect, all that is ripe—wants to die” (292). Brown’s overman 

thus takes his place in that gallery of “new subjects” or 

“posthumans” described by everyone from Plato to Donna Haraway, 

D. H. Lawrence to Stelarc, and Timothy Leary to Terrence 

McKenna. 

Whether the hippies of the sixties were consciously trying to 

subvert the whole of history, or just trying to get their rocks off, is 

a moot point. No doubt both the cold war and the Vietnam War 

helped Brown’s words to resonate more widely than in a less fearful 

period. With the benefit of hindsight it is easy to see Brown, and 

indeed Marcuse, as nuclear theorists responding to R. D. Laing’s 

dictum that insanity is the only sane response to an insane world. 

Modernity’s more general obsession with apocalyptic and orgasmic 

closure became intensified in the writings of those who recognized 

the libidinal aspect of this millenarian climate, exacerbated by the 

Pill and the Bomb. It wasn’t long before several historical developments, 

including the elevation of Governor Reagan to president, 

and the concurrent AIDS moral panic, combined in the 1980s to 

stretch and disfigure the dionysian themes of the 1960s—and set 

the scene for the thanatic ’90s.

6 

Playing at Catastrophe 

Prêt-à-Mort: Necrophilia and Death Fashion 

A human race has to invent sacrifices equal to the natural 

cataclysmic order that surrounds it. 

141 

Jean Baudrillard (1989: 3) 

You know that feeling you get when you’re leaning back on a 

chair and you feel that you’re just about to fall and then you 

catch yourself? . . . . I feel like that all the time. 

Steven Wright 

In the final years of the twentieth century a new “look” emerged 

from the eternally recurring spectacle of the fashion world. 

Mimicking the corpse, it was referred to as “death fashion” or 

“heroin chic.” Beautiful young models are arranged in mortified 

postures, and a fabricated autopsy report listed alongside the label 

and price (“black chiffon dress, internal trauma arising from 

severe beating”). 

This phenomenon represents an ironic response to an earlier 

and more naive epoch, the 1950s, when advertisements exploited 

the fear of nuclear attack by offering fashion tips for the apocalypse: 

“Men should wear wide-brimmed hats, women stockings and 

long sleeved dresses” (Boyer, 1985: 310). Illustrating what Frederic 

Jameson calls “one of those extraordinary postmodern mutations 

where the apocalyptic suddenly turns into the decorative” (1991: 

xvii), such images are saturated with both the black humor of hindsight 

and the anxiety of anticipation.

142 


Death fashion is certainly a last-ditch attempt to whip up controversy 

(i.e., profitable attention) in an unshockable age. But it is 

also the inevitable end point of the necrophilic logic behind “panic 

sex,” whereby “sexual activity is coded by the logic of exterminism” 

(Kroker & Kroker 14). In the “late” AIDS-era, death fashion recuperates 

the escapist impulse of heroin use, before fusing it with the 

Russian roulette mentality of “postorgy” sex. It depicts the aftermath 

of the devastating plague, “that common millennial trope now 

rendered sexual” (Kingwell 200). Hence the Krokers’ claim that 

“[w]e have reached a fateful turning point in contemporary culture 

when human sexuality is a killing-zone, when desire is fascinating 

only as a sign of its own negation, and when the pleasure of catastrophe 

is what drives ultramodern culture onwards in its free fall 

through a panic scene of loss, cancellation and exterminism” (13). 

Centuries of romantic poetry have eroticized the corpse, and in this 

sense death fashion is merely a development of the gothic and decadent 

fascination with decomposition. “Fashion has become our contemporary 

mode of being in the world,” writes Gail Faurschou, “and 

our contemporary ‘mode’ of death” (82). 

The brief controversy provoked by death fashion pictorials suggests 

that many people viewed this trend as an abhorrent perversity, 

but this does not mean that it was automatically “transgressive” 

or even “dionysian.” Heroin chic may well appear transgressive, by 

aestheticizing the logic of libidinal millenarianism, however it is far 

too implicated in the machinations of capitalism to be labeled as 

such. As Baudrillard reminds us, “the desire for death is itself recycled 

within fashion, emptying it of every subversive phantasm and 

involving it, along with everything else, in fashion’s innocuous revolutions” 

(1993: 88). Mark Kingwell similarly believes that when 

“stage-managed with great care, transgression functions paradoxically 

to reaffirm the value of the norms it would transcend” (185). 

Although the possibilities for transgression multiply in an increasingly 

taboo-laden culture, they are short-circuited by the commodification 

of narcissism. (Indeed, as I write, the Australian government 

is considering plans to place general health warnings on 

advertising images that feature skeletal models [Warning: Death 

Can Be Fatal]. Certain sectors of the fashion industry may soon 

find themselves stigmatized in the same way as tobacco magnates.) 

Such images do not evoke the specters of the already dead, who 

are banished from contemporary consciousness. Instead they 

denote Norman O. Brown’s “death-in-life.” They are more a parody 

of our cosmetic notions of death and decay, rather than a symbolic 

acknowledgment of our mortality. As such, death fashion represents 

an epoch whose commercial products include “Lyf-Lyk” funeral 

makeup and Trans Time Inc. Cryogenics (Chidester 278, 287).

Playing at Catastrophe 143 

Death fashion’s fusion of banality, disgust, violence and eroticism 

simulates the sacrificial gesture of Bataille’s millennium. The 

secret of its particular eschatology lies once again in an ambivalent 

artifice. For these are not snuff pictures. The models are not dead; 

they merely simulate death. Such images are generated for profit, 

not loss. If “death fashion” is a sacrifice, then the models have been 

slain for gain on the altar of the dollar (which is not to privilege a 

pure realm reserved for works of “art”). 

The advertising campaign by Bennetton, which included journalistic 

photos of soldiers crushed by tanks, marks the limits of this 

logic. By splicing their brand-name into horrific newsreel footage, 

this company transcended questions of the “immorality” of advertising, 

and became amoral precisely through its “transgression” of 

decency. Its flagship magazine, Colors, shows how Benetton has 

digested postmodern media theory and excreted a campaign based 

on mute realism. Paradoxically, this has resulted in yet another 

level of hyperreality in Baudrillard’s Inferno. Indeed, Nike showed 

admirable restraint in not adding its name to photographs of those 

Heaven’s Gate suicides who wore its shoes. Perhaps they were even 

more canny than Benetton in not drawing attention to the free 

advertising they were receiving through the news media. 

Death fashion is merely the latest manifestation of the tumultuous 

relationship between Eros and Thanatos. As long ago as 

1824, Giacomo Leopardi recognized this kinship by depicting them 

as sisters in his moral tale, “The Dialogue of Fashion and Death.” 

“You from the very start went for people and blood,” Fashion tells 

Death, 

while I content myself for the most part with beards, hairstyles, 

clothes, furniture, fine houses and the like. But in fact I have not 

failed . . . to play a few tricks that could compared [sic] with 

yours, as for instance to pierce ears, lips and noses, and to rip them 

with the knickknacks I hang in the holes; to scorch the flesh of men 

with the red-hot irons I make them brand themselves with for 

beauty’s sake; to deform the heads of infants with bandages and 

other contraptions, making it a rule that everyone in a certain 

country has to have the same shape of head . . . to cripple people 

with narrow boots; to choke their breath and make their eyeballs 

pop with the use of tight corsets. . . . I persuade and force all civilized 

people to put up every day with a thousand difficulties and a 

thousand discomforts, and often with pain and agony, and some 

even to die gloriously for the love they bear me. (Faurschou 58) 

The conceptual tentacles of this phenomenon originate in the writings 

of the Marquis de Sade, Friedrich Nietzsche and Bataille, and then filter 

through Marshall McLuhan, Guy Debord and—most rigorously—

144 


Baudrillard. In order to understand what “necro-spectacles” such as 

death fashion contribute to our neodecadent moment, it is necessary 

to sift through some of the entrails of our sacrificial culture. 

As we have seen, Baudrillard reduces the dilemma of a sexually 

saturated society to one question, “What are we to do after the 

orgy?” He may, however, be jumping the gun. The mechanical (i.e., 

Sadean) logic of the industrial revolution continues to define both 

sexual monotony and erotic excess up to and including the electronic 

era. In this case, the orgy will continue indefinitely; only the 

participants will change or die. Like the cogs of a machine, orgiastic 

participants are expendable by being replaceable. This is merely 

another version of what Gilles Deleuze calls “machinic desire.” 

Even in the age of computers, each part can be replaced, upgraded 

or rerouted through the system. It may thus be time to rephrase 

Baudrillard’s question to, “How do we stop the orgy?” Will it grind 

to a halt and explode with its own frictional heat, or will it succumb 

to its own viruses? Or must the softer surfaces of the flesh endure 

the legacy of the Luddites? 

Those glossy fashion spreads that depict young men and 

women—traditionally considered to be in the prime of life—strangled 

in baths or bleeding from bullet holes on escalators, capture the static 

horror of the Marquis de Baudrillard’s fatal orgy. Like the copulating 

shadows on the walls of Castle Silling, or the seared portraits of 

the Hiroshima streets, they delineate holographic afterimages of the 

event. We become hypnotized by the absence that simulation entails. 

Charles Levin, who believes that the theory of postmodernism may 

best be described as “a social theory of the after image, a theory of collective 

life as an aftermath,” thinks that “postmodernism is really a 

kind of ‘postmortemism’” (1988: 104). To realize that we are living not 

only after the orgy, but also after an insidious apocalypse, induces 

rigor mortis of the spirit. Suddenly we are all potential mannequins 

for a death fashion shoot. 

Close Encounters of the Third Kind: the Joachite Structure 

of Baudrillard’s Philosophy 

It would be stupid to prophesy an apocalypse in the literal 

sense of the term. My idea is that the catastrophe has 

already happened, it’s here already. What interests me is 

precisely beyond the catastrophe, what I would call its 

hypertelia . . . . I would prefer not to play the role of the 

lugubrious, thoroughly useless prophet.


Baudrillard (Gane, 1993: 43, 99) 

Although Baudrillard continues to deny that he is a doomsayer, he 

can do little to alter the fact that this is how he is consistently 

framed (and the pun is intended). The rhetorical power of his convictions, 

the poetic momentum of his prose, and the eschatological 

targets of his intellect, all combine to create an oeuvre whose 

“truth-effect” places him in the position of a postmodern Nietzsche. 

Brian Rotman is certainly swimming with the current when he 

describes Baudrillard as the “prophet of apocalypse, hysterical lyricist 

of panic” (ibid.: 7). In one of those metaphoric feedback loops he 

is so fond of, Baudrillard’s philosophy has permeated popular culture 

to such an extent that he is perceived and represented as both 

a prophet and symptom of the apocalypse—the man who narrates 

the end so eloquently as to bring it about, or at least accelerate its 

arrival: In the end was the word, and the word was Baudrillard. 

The more sensational aspects of his writing have been emphasized 

by the media and not discouraged by Baudrillard’s own roleplaying 

as provocateur. This has resulted in a heady mixture of 

hostility, indifference, mild amusement, and even embarrassment 

within the academy and other intellectual institutions. 

Functioning as a kind of demonized trickster figure, Baudrillard is 

often ruthlessly simplified or foolishly taken at face value. 

Consequently he is frequently dismissed as a charlatan, which is 

akin to accusing politicians of hypocrisy or prostitutes of insincerity. 

Those who discount Baudrillard’s more recent work have not 

usually read Symbolic Exchange and Death (1993), which in 

effect—as his most rigorous, erudite and original work—forms a 

durable safety net for his later and more audacious intellectual 

acrobatics. This is not to deny that Baudrillard can be infuriatingly 

oblique, mind-numbingly repetitive, morally reprehensible, and 

plainly inconsistent. The trouble is that such accusations are 

beginning to eclipse his valuable insights. 

Baudrillard’s name is associated also with a mid-1980s 

American appropriation of French “postmodern” theory, which 

leaves him vulnerable to the charge of being an anachronism. This 

is somewhat ironic, considering that it was Baudrillard who suggested 

“that we go directly from 1989 to 2000” for there is no good 

reason “to languish for another decade in this hellish atmosphere” 

(1993a: 93). Baudrillard thus not only provides the title of this 

book, but the postcoital historical model which has inspired my own 

exploration of a specifically libidinal millenarianism. 

As a veteran of both the sexual revolution and May ‘68, 

Baudrillard is well-qualified to speak of living “after the orgy.” Such

146 


formative experiences inject a faint but continuous note of nostalgia 

into his rigorously antisentimental agenda. Like Tom Robbins, 

Linda Grant and Camille Paglia, Baudrillard speaks of the 1960s 

as a period that “opened a gap” (Gane, 1991: 159) in the sociocultural 

curtain. “Sometimes,” he admits, “I find myself longing for that 

lightness of spirit we had in the sixties, when people had more zest 

for collective interventions and group action” (1993: 190). 

Baudrillard would regard such a biographical reading of his work 

as theoretical violence of the worst kind. Yet his reference to 

“mourning” the sixties (ibid.: 20) needs to be kept in mind by anybody 

attempting to connect sexuality with the thanatopraxis 

(Baudrillard’s own term) of millenarian ideologies. It is surely significant 

that, in the watershed year of 1968, Baudrillard translated 

W. E. Mühlmann’s Messianismes Revolutionnaires, indicating an 

empathy with end-of-the-world heretics. 

Accused of passive nihilism, Baudrillard responds with a nutshell 

account of his personal approach to eschatology: 

To look ahead in this way requires a somewhat metaphysical and 

a somewhat transcendental curiosity. People have spoken so often 

about the end of things that I’d like to be able to see what goes on 

the other side of the end, in a sort of hyperspace and transfinity. 

And even if things are not really at their end, well! Let’s act as if 

they were. It’s a game, a provocation. Not in order to put a full stop 

to everything but, on the contrary, to make everything begin 

again. So you see, I’m far from being a pessimist. (ibid.: 133) 

Indeed, when asked by Le Journal des Psychologues whether one 

should speak evil and think negatively in order to avoid catastrophe, 

Baudrillard answered, “Yes, that seems to be the only 

recourse, at least in terms of immunity” (ibid.: 175). Such a strategy 

sustains not only many of those disillusioned with the outcome 

of the 1960s, but also that younger demographic once labeled 

Generation X. A brief recontextualizing of his thought, therefore, 

will help us to map the politics of exhaustion into the present. 

The figurehead of Baudrillard’s philosophy is his theory of simulation, 

which, “out of some obscure need to classify” (1993a: 5), forms 

the third stage in his historical development of the sign. Loosely 

speaking, the first stage of the sign involves a direct reference to 

some kind of “meaning,” the second stage to a masking or mimicry 

of this meaning, and the third stage to an usurpation and evacuation 

of meaning. In this last scenario, the sign breaks loose from its 

referent, no longer anchored to anything in “reality,” and becomes a 

hyperreal satellite orbiting a world without any coherent connections. 

This is the postmodern stage, where mass-reproduction


results in a world full of copies without an original. Organized chaos 

reigns. Baudrillard captured the attention of a spectacle-saturated 

United States by theorizing the vertigo of this simulated situation, 

of which the North American media is the prime example. According 

to his model, then, this third stage heralds a virtual apocalypse. 

At this point it is worth remembering that the stock-in-trade of 

(pre)millennial prophets is to map historical epochs on to an apocalyptic 

time line. Norman Cohn has amply demonstrated that the 

most influential historical schema during the Middle Ages and the 

Renaissance was the tripartite model of the great prophet Joachim 

of Fiore (1145–1202). From this point on, no apocalyptic history was 

taken seriously unless divided into three stages, confirming the old 

saying that “bad things comes in threes.” Frank Kermode detects 

Joachim’s structural powers at work in the modern era, and 

believes it “may well have contributed more than a little to the 

thought and feeling of the late-nineteenth-century ‘Decadence’” 

(1995: 256). Elsewhere he notes that “the Third Reich” is itself a 

Joachite expression (1975: 13). 

Cohn credits Joachim with being the first to break with a primarily 

moral or religious concept of chronology by inventing a 

method of specifically historical interpretation. This enabled the 

development of a new prophetic system, “which was to be the most 

influential one known to Europe until Marxism.” Cohn argues, “it 

is unmistakably the Joachite phantasy of the three ages that reappeared 

in, for instance, the theories of historical evolution expounded 

by the German Idealist philosophers Lessing, Schelling, Fichte 

and to some extent Hegel” (1993: 109). Even Marx did not dispense 

with this tripartite structure, in so far as his three successive 

epochs (primitive communism, class society, and utopian communism) 

mirror Joachim’s sequence of fear, faith, and freedom. 21 

Indeed, the dynamic properties of the number three appear 

irresistible to those who try to map the meaning of time. Prophets 

seem drawn to the historical angles of the triad. It is thus more 

than likely that Baudrillard’s obscure need to classify (which itself 

issued from a Marxist orientation) reflects this deeply entrenched 

proleptic pattern. The conceptual grids of Western metaphysics 

thus form the limits of Baudrillard’s thought, no matter how contemptuous 

he is of philosophies that take the human subject as the 

subject of history. 

One major difference between Baudrillard and Joachim is that 

the former feels no compulsion to adhere to his own models or formulas. 

To rigidly follow one chronological scheme seems a quaint notion 

to Baudrillard, for he sees no contradiction in presenting a three-stage 

time line on one hand, and a fractal-pattern on the other. Happily, his 

dionysian intellectual heritage allows such anti-Apollonian logic.

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In his most programmatic attempt to explain his philosophy, 

Symbolic Exchange and Death, Baudrillard identifies the closest 

thing to an absolute term in his thinking: 

Everywhere, in every domain, a single form predominates: 

reversibility, cyclical reversal and annulment put an end to the linearity 

of time, language, economic exchange, accumulation and 

power. Hence the reversibility of the gift in the counter-gift, the 

reversibility of exchange in the sacrifice, the reversibility of time in 

the cycle, the reversibility of production in destruction, [and] the 

reversibility of life in death . . . . In every domain it assumes the 

form of extermination and death, for it is the form of the symbolic 

itself. Neither mystical nor structural, the symbolic is inevitable. (2) 22 

Power is seen as an objective force that follows the rules of 

reversibility, and can therefore be regained or reduced through acts 

of symbolic violence. Examples include both the irreverent absurdity 

of pataphysics (the “science of imaginary solutions”) and the systematic 

cruelty of terrorism. Both recognize the power of the symbolic 

as a means of reclaiming our own death in defiance of the 

state monopoly on mortality (and indeed, immortality). 

For Baudrillard, as for generations of medieval monks, the 

meaning of existence comes down to cracking “the code” that then 

reveals the secret of the End. Social control in this current “neocapitalist 

cybernetic order” (ibid.) thus becomes a secular form of 

apocalyptic prognosis based on the proliferation of signs. (Think, for 

example, of market analysts.) These replace those traditionally 

prophetic modes associated with symbolic ends. Consequently, 

sacred prediction yields to secular forecast. 

Baudrillard’s reading of history thus anticipates the findings of 

“chaos theory,” whereby random elements begin to follow their own 

inscribed patterns. Our overs(t)imulated society begins to fall for 

its own media-made decoys. The question becomes; What does it 

mean to look for a sign when the world is plagued by them? Even 

the apocalypse itself can lose its symbolic power through its excessive 

use as an omen of the end by those who ignore the rule of 

reversibility. “What we must fear,” remarks Baudrillard in an 

interview, “is not the term date of the year 2000 (which is itself a 

symbolic end); it is that this term date even has been rendered 

impossible or useless, like all other symbolic term dates . . . . 

That would really be the end of the end (Gane, 1993: 164). 

In discussing King Lear and Macbeth, Kermode refers to the 

history of “researches into death in an age too late for apocalypse, 

too critical for prophecy” (1975: 88). He believes Shakespeare’s 

world exhibits “all the symptoms of decay and change, all the terrors 

of an approaching end, but when the end comes it is not an end,


and both suffering and the need for patience are perpetual” (ibid.: 

82). Libidinal millenarianism connects directly to this endlessness 

of the end. Baudrillard’s apocalyptic asymptote differs from 

Shakespeare’s, however, because it is rooted in a very different 

epoch. Obsessed with the unprecedented nature of our age, 

Baudrillard ignores the fact that the “end of the end” has been considered 

before the era of simulation. 

In fact, Baudrillard’s philosophies of ideological exhaustion 

develop from a kind of antirevelation. Our postalienated situation 

leads to what he calls “horizontal immortality,” an impoverished 

state not unlike Brown’s death-in-life or Marcuse’s one-dimensional 

man. All exemplify libidinal entropy. Yet Baudrillard rejects transcendence 

as a solution, since he blames the Christian monopoly 

over verticality as the root of the problem in the first place. When 

human history hit “escape velocity,” it left us adrift in a symbolic 

antigravitational field. Social relations started to drift free of any 

reference point, moral, legal or otherwise. A reading of Elias 

Canetti’s Human Province persuades Baudrillard that at 

a precise moment in time the human race . . . dropped out of history. 

Without even being conscious of the change, we suddenly left 

reality behind. What we have to do now . . . [is] find that critical 

point, that blind spot in time. Otherwise, we just continue on with 

our self-destructive ways. This hypothesis appeals to me because 

Canetti doesn’t envisage an end, but rather what I would call an 

“ecstasy,” in the primal sense of the word—a passage at the same 

time into the dissolution and the transcendence of a form. (ibid.: 99) 

Baudrillard exercises considerable latitude in dating this ironic 

rapture, which roughly accompanied the Apollo moon landings. It 

occurred at the close of the Second World War or alternatively at 

“some point in the 1980s” (1994: 10). Canetti’s metaphor prompts 

Baudrillard’s own variation on the “end of history” theme, an apocalyptic 

motif recently popularized by Frances Fukuyama (1992). 

According to Fukuyama, (upper-case) History ended with the 

fall of the Berlin Wall, culminating in the ultimate “victory” of liberal 

democracy. Baudrillard’s account is less humanistic. Although 

at some point we “dropped out of history,” history continues unabated, 

and we follow in its wake like a sonic boom that will never have 

the opportunity to be heard. In J. K. Huysmans’s A Rebours, this 

state of affairs is only a latent possibility, but Baudrillard completes 

the idea by stretching it across the twentieth century: 

The end is, in fact, only conceivable in a logical order of causality 

and continuity. Now, it is events themselves which, by their artificial 

production, their programmed occurrence or the anticipation of

150 


their effects—not to mention their transfiguration in the media — 

are suppressing the cause-effect relation and hence all historical 

continuity . . . . We may perhaps even see this as an adventure, 

since the disappearance of the end is in itself an original situation. 

It seems to be characteristic of our culture and our history, which 

cannot even manage to come to an end, and are, as a result, 

assured of an indefinite recurrence, a backhanded immortality. Up 

to now, immortality has been mainly that of the beyond, an immortality 

yet to come, but we are today inventing another kind in the 

here and now, an immortality of endings receding to infinity. (1994: 

115) 

This “immortality of endings receding to infinity” brings forward 

Nietzsche’s eternal return into the cybernetic era, and crystallizes 

it within Sade’s or Huysmans’ definition of artifice. Baudrillard 

believes computer-networks are “the particle accelerator which has 

smashed the referential [read “natural”] orbit of things once and for 

all” (ibid.: 2). As such, postmodernity is witness to “the most degenerated, 

most artificial, and most eclectic phase” (Gane, 1991: 158). 

Traumatized by a century of unprecedented technological progress 

and political violence, our epoch breaks its neck trying to follow the 

Doppler effect of history. 

Our response to this general disorientation is to renovate the 

ruins of the past, both literally and metaphorically. We are thus, 

according to Baudrillard, in the midst of effacing all the ideological 

signs and political accomplishments of the modern era. This “enthusiastic 

work of mourning” whitewashes every significant event of the 

century, including revolutions, wars, colonialism, and nuclearism. 

Through a ritual of remembrance we are in fact rewinding the tape 

in order to erase it; lest we really remember. Everybody is now undoing 

history with the same enthusiasm that went into making it (ibid.: 

32)—a process seen by Baudrillard as both sinister and comic. 

Many proponents of the postmodern condition have been excited 

by such a notion, mistaking it as the premise for a new beginning. 

They argue that postmodernity is actually the galaxy of alternative 

histories resulting from the big bang of an infinitely dense 

History. But the melancholic Baudrillard sees no cause for celebration. 

To Baudrillard’s Gallic nose, the present state of affairs reeks 

of the millenarian reflex to repent. Indeed, repentance is symptomatic 

of postmodernity, and discernible in “the recycling of past 

forms, the exalting of residues, rehabilitation by bricolage, eclectic 

sentimentality” (ibid.: 35). Whereas bands of blood-spattered selfflagellators 

roamed the land in the Middle Ages, today we burn 

with “archive fever” (Derrida) and the mania to mummify the past. 

Given such a cultural climate, our symbol of the apocalypse 

ought not to have been the Four Horsemen, but Pee-wee Hermann,


that ironically infantile comedian whose career was ruined when 

found masturbating to a flickering porno screen. The late twentieth 

century was consumed by a Kleenex-ideology, sopping up the effluvia 

of previous decades to prepare for the corrosive stains of the second 

coming. Baudrillard writes; 

We used to ask what might come after the orgy—mourning or 

melancholia? Doubtless neither, but an interminable clean-up of 

all the vicissitudes of modern history and its processes of liberation 

(of peoples, sex, dreams, art and the unconscious—in short, of 

all that makes up the orgy of our times), in an atmosphere dominated 

by the apocalyptic presentiment that all this is coming to an 

end. Rather than pressing forward and taking flight into the 

future, we prefer the retrospective apocalypse, and a blanket revisionism 

. . . . Celebration and commemoration are themselves 

merely the soft form of necrophagous cannibalism, the homeopathic 

form of murder by easy stages. This is the work of the heirs, 

whose ressentiment towards the deceased is boundless. Museums, 

jubilees, festivals, complete works, the publication of the tiniest of 

unpublished fragments—all this shows that we are entering an 

active age of ressentiment and repentance. (ibid.: 22) 

These undoubtably neo-Nietzschean words resonate loudly within the 

echochamber of popular culture, informing death fashion, modern 

primitives, techno-pagans, and the cyberians of the new millennium. 

“Maybe after all the year 2000 will never occur,” Baudrillard 

concludes, for the simple reason that we cannot escape this “fatal 

asymptote which causes us . . . to rewind modernity like a tape?” 

(1994: 11). In such a metaphor we can detect not only the geometry 

of the orgy and the “red thread” of Dionysus, but also the “thanatic 

asymptote” on which my notion of libidinal millenarianism 

depends. Bataille’s interpretation of eroticism—plunging towards 

extinction, yet cleaving to life in order not to extinguish the experience—is 

thus paralleled by our constant deferral of global suicide. 

Speaking specifically of nuclear annihilation, Baudrillard entertains 

the possibility that “there is no strategic guarantee in deterrence, 

nor, furthermore, any survival instinct of the species” (1990: 

186). What protects us from a nuclear holocaust, he argues, is not the 

balance of terror, but the possibility that we will miss out on the media 

spectacle of Armageddon. That the apocalypse will not be televised. 

“That is why it won’t happen . . . the drive to spectacle is more 

powerful than the survival instinct, we can count on that” (ibid.). 

Such an assertion extends Walter Benjamin’s statement that 

humanity can now “experience its own destruction as an aesthetic 

pleasure of the first order” (1992: 235). In the twenty-first century 

we have become aware of a fundamental tension between the urge

152 


to destroy ourselves in the “ultimate spectacular,” and the knowledge 

that this is impossible, that we will be consumed by it. This is 

yet another version of the thanatic asymptote, this time on a macrocosmic 

scale. We yearn for the aesthetic thrill of Apocalypse, and 

yet we cling to life, for we can’t satisfy our voyeuristic desire if we 

are in fact dead. The one balances the other in a metaphysical parody 

of the nuclear deterrence theory, and with the same profound 

consequences. Our only option appears to be homeopathic: we consume 

the mini-apocalypses hurled at us each day through the 

media as if each were the Big One. 

The younger generation’s penchant for black is a sign of the 

frustrated mourning that this situation demands, the recognition 

that the body is merely a “corpse full of cravings” (Kermode, 1975: 

117). It is analogous to the drag queen’s strategy of denial through 

exaggeration or overcompensation. The nirvana-principle—uncannily 

enacted by grunge-icon Kurt Cobain—is thus sifted through 

the street-languages of subcultural style. Kingwell observes that 

[w]hereas the flagellants of other end-times tied their public suffering 

to religious purification, and met the uncertainty of the Second 

Coming with self-abasement and violent denial, the young extremists 

of our own day link body decoration to a purification of social 

expectations, and meet the uncertainty of their own futures with a 

refusal to invest that future with expectation or meaning. (184) 

The heart of darkness becomes refigured through popular culture, 

so that Kurt’s, “yeah, whatever nevermind,” supplants Kurtz’s, 

“The horror! The horror!” 

The most recent fin de siècle thus merely extended the bomb 

culture of the 1950s and 1960s. Eyes skyward and bowels empty in 

anticipation, we witnessed that fatal asymptote dangling over our 

heads like Pynchon’s apocalyptic rainbow. Exhausted and underpaid, 

the erotic gravity of the situation forced us to become frozen 

in an obscene, pornographic parody, waiting with open mouths for 

that orgasmic impact (which itself parodies the nebulous desire of 

a sign-saturated society). “Panic in slow-motion,” Baudrillard calls 

it; or in Steve Wright’s image, feeling like you’re constantly falling 

backward but never actually hitting the floor. This is the gutwrenching 

moment of panic: to be caught in the headlights of history 

as it speeds toward oblivion. 

“A Biocybernetic Self-Fulfilling Prophecy World Orgy I”:

Or Surviving the Necropolis 

For all we might strive to forget the problem of the end, then, 

or circumvent it by artificial technical solutions, the end does 

not forget us. 

Prophecies are ragged and dirty. 



Vaughan in David Cronenberg’s Crash (1996) 

Having long meditated on the shortcomings of the so-called sexual 

revolution, Baudrillard concludes that it did not so much fail as 

succeed only too well. Developing the insights of Brown and 

Marcuse, Baudrillard exposes this particular orgy as an ally of the 

same antisymbolic forces it claimed to oppose. The 1960s’ embrace 

of Eros accompanied a general denial of Thanatos, producing an 

unbalanced state of affairs. Consequently, sex could never be truly 

“subversive” or “transgressive,” for it acted like a Trojan horse for 

smuggling in the ideologies of immortality, that secret weapon of 

the church, the economy and the state. As Baudrillard notes, “all 

‘historical’ societies are arranged so as to dissociate sex and death 

in every possible way, and play the liberation of one off against the 

other—which is a way of neutralizing them both” (1993: 184). 

Viewed from such a perspective, Wilhelm Reich’s orgone energy 

becomes a conservative force, giving the orgasm a function, and 

coercing it to align with productivity, utility, and other identitybased 

agendas. This is why Baudrillard believes that the “slogan of 

sexuality is in solidarity with political economy,” because both aim 

“at abolishing death.” Those who opt for sex “have only exchanged 

prohibitions” (ibid.: 184-185). 

Here Baudrillard fails to acknowledge that “sexuality” should 

not be isolated as a theoretical construct, principally because it cuts 

across many other grids of experience—metaphysical, cultural, linguistic, 

economic, and so on. Consequently, sex (like death) is both 

everywhere and nowhere, a transparent membrane covering everything 

like clingwrap, and stretched to a breaking point. This does 

not mean, however, that we can no longer talk about it; rather, it 

must find a conducting medium in order to make sense. A proper 

context must be found before “sexuality” can trace the shape of its 

own disappearance. In other words, we cannot discuss sex as a discrete 

mode or structure because the word sex is meaningless until 

it hooks onto some other valency. It is for this reason that 

Baudrillard is drawn to the orgiastic conjunction of sexuality with

154 


some other millenarian seduction, for instance death or technology. 

Dionysus thus morphs into the Grim Reaper as the symbolic 

other. Since death is no longer experienced as a collective social 

phenomenon, it fascinates only in its sacrificial artifice: 

All passion then takes refuge in violent death, which is the sole 

manifestation of something like the sacrifice, that is to say, like a 

real transmutation through the will of the group. And in this 

sense, it matters little whether death is accidental, criminal or 

catastrophic: from the moment it escapes “natural” reason, and 

becomes a challenge to nature, it once again becomes the business 

of the group, demanding a collective and symbolic response; in a 

word, it arouses the passion for the artificial, which is at the same 

time sacrificial passion. (Baudrillard, 1993: 165) 

“Sacrificial passion” was illustrated vividly in the weeks following 

the “artificial” death of Princess Diana. Paradoxically, “natural” 

death is interpreted as an artificial invention of western science, its 

“objective and punctual character” being the collective projection of 

a linear, apocalyptic culture. As the Situationist Raoul Vaneigem 

states, “We do not die because we must, we die because it is a habit, 

to which one day, not so long ago, our thoughts became bound” 

(ibid.: 144). 

It may seem willfully contradictory of Baudrillard to discuss 

the modern metropolis as a “culture of death” after lamenting society’s 

denial of its very existence. But this is just another example of 

his dionysian fondness for the reversible. “The cemetery no longer 

exists because modern cities have entirely taken over their function: 

they are ghost towns, cities of death” (ibid.: 127). 

Subsequently, death is everywhere for the simple reason it has been 

swept under the carpet. Like the pervasiveness of “crime” in a culture 

obsessed with eradicating it, death lurks around every corner, 

so that in our unprecedented age, “death is a delinquency” (ibid.: 

126). 

From Baudrillard’s self-confessed necrospective, all sexuality 

is necrophilic, because we refuse to acknowledge our symbolic debt 

to the dead: “Death is ultimately nothing more than the social line 

of demarcation separating the ‘dead’ from the ‘living’: therefore, it 

affects both equally” (ibid.: 127). Life is thus merely a surplus value 

(a survival) according to which we measure the profits/prophets of 

our spiritual bankruptcy. Life becomes a matter of economic management, 

of how we spend our time. Existence is seen increasingly 

in terms of accumulation, for which death is due payment. 

Baudrillard’s crucial realization is that “the emergence of survival 

can therefore be analyzed as the fundamental operation in the birth


of power” (ibid.: 129). 

The concept of immortality thus emerges simultaneously with 

the symbolic apartheid of the dead. Modern millenarians must 

therefore take advice from medieval heretics, and take life back 

into their own hands. Rather than be blackmailed by the immortality 

of the soul (Christianity), or seduced by the Darwinian imperative 

to survive (the Michigan Militia and other renegade para-military 

organizations), they must commune with the dead while living 

in the symbolic space-time continuum of this “divided space.” 

Raoul Vaneigem also believes that the ethical imperative to survive 

is the most powerful tool of the modern state. His historical polemic, 

The Movement of the Free Spirit (1994), complements Baudrillard’s 

thoughts on the symbolic power of commandeering one’s own fate. 

Beginning with the premise that “the Middle Ages were no more 

Christian than the late Eastern Bloc was communist” (10), 

Vaneigem documents the trials of medieval heretics from the perspective 

of the present, and seeks to demonstrate the now familiar 

dionysian assertion that “the economy is everywhere that life is not” 

(17). Sounding remarkably like Baudrillard, Vaneigem states that 

[t]he apocalypse has been announced so many times that it cannot 

occur. And even if it did it would be hard to distinguish it from the 

everyday fate already reserved for individual and community 

alike. Is it hard to imagine a more sinister dance of death than 

war, torture, tyranny, disaster, sickness, boredom, guilty pleasures, 

and the kind of gratification that prefers self-torture to selfenlightenment? 

Is not survival cut from the very same cloth of 

apocalypse? (19–20) 

Vaneigem realigns Ingmar Bergman’s chessboard, so that death 

and life both oppose survival. This theoretical move is informed less 

by Baudrillard’s cool and ironic postalienation than by his own 

political passion, which continues to voice the genuinely transgressive 

demands of adversary culture: 

The millenarian incitement to produce one’s own unhappiness has 

so thoroughly impregnated the world of the imagination that 

everything from art to daydreaming consists of negative scenarios, 

doomed love affairs, inevitable failures, inevitable obsolescence, 

bitter victories or bliss in ignorance. The only way to remedy the 

lassitude brought on by survival is through a treatment, focusing 

on negativity, that uses alchemy to rid life of the effects of survival, 

radically remaking the human from what is most human: 

namely the search for pleasure. (248)

156 


The most profound response to the supremacy of a deferred eternity 

is thus to appropriate the afterlife libidinally in the present. 

Vaneigem’s project rests on his belief that “[t]he end of the world, 

with or without renewal, is profitable only in its anticipation. The 

economy prophesies the apocalyptic horror of the world’s disappearance 

only on the condition of the horror of an already ruined life” (88). 

The answer, according to Vaneigem, is certainly not vulgar 

hedonism, which inevitably results in the aftertaste of death (a result 

of failing to address the libidinal atrophy of the market). Nor is it 

Bataille’s vision of nostalgic continuity, but rather in a spiritual 

“alchemy” that inhabits the space between transgression and transcendence. 

Such a vision, however, is far too esoteric, oblique, and 

romantic (read “sixties-ish”) to be adopted by those he expects to live 

it out, namely the Maffesolian neotribes of the urban centers. 

Nevertheless, Vaneigem insists that “nothing can stop [him] from 

searching out that strange crowd of people who inhabit the shadows 

of the scaffolds, the darkness of prisons and factories, the secret 

places of the city . . . [for] . . . . It is they who have lived and are 

still trying to live by forsaking the imperatives of survival” (257). 

Today’s “strange crowd” consists of those “idlers of the 

Apocalypse” (Virilio, 1986: 69) who seem to instinctively appreciate 

the symbolic power of controlling their own bodies (and by extension, 

their own death) in the interests of “living truly.” By cutting 

and piercing their flesh, these neopagans oppose the alienated spectacle 

of death fashion, as well as the survivalist mentality of cosmetic 

surgery. The ideas of Baudrillard, Vaneigem and Michel 

Maffesoli are inscribed in the bloodletting and branding of these 

(perhaps only slightly) less mediated bodies. Indeed, the “self as 

counterdiscourse” (John Walker) seems to be an ironic return to 

decadent notions of art and artifice. 

Baudrillard likewise sees something subversive in this postmodern 

tendency to equate adornment with transcendent pain. 

Observing an almost organic empathy between graffiti-scrawled 

trains and tattooed flesh, Baudrillard comments that “[s]omething 

about the city has become tribal . . . before writing, with these powerful 

emblems stripped of meaning. An incision into the flesh of 

empty signs that do not signify personal identity, but group initiation 

and affiliation: ‘A biocybernetic self-fulfilling prophecy world 

orgy I’” (1993: 82). 

The contemporary obsession with survival is, for Baudrillard, 

“the most worrying sign of the degradation of the species” (1989: 43). 

It represents the flip side not only of the decadent’s meticulous selfabuse, 

but also of the heroin-fueled “thanatoids” of our own time. Yet 

Baudrillard, as always, jolts us out of such Apollonian earnestness by 

reminding us that “[e]verywhere survival has become a burning


issue, perhaps by some weariness of life or a collective desire for 

catastrophe.” Nevertheless, “we should not take all this too seriously,” 

because it is “also a playing at catastrophe” (ibid.: 42). 

Temporary Autonomous Zones and the Archaic Revival 

. . . the mass of people oughtn’t even to try to think—because 

they can’t. They should be alive and frisky, and acknowledge 

the great god Pan. He’s the only god for the masses, forever. 

The few can go in for higher cults if they like. But let the 

mass be forever pagan. 

Oliver Mellors, Lady Chatterley’s Lover 

(Lawrence, 1994: 300) 

The twentieth century does not make sense whatsoever 

unless it ends in a complete transformation of the species. 

And the nuclear death and the life-affirming factors are so 

inextricably intertwined that it will remain a horse race 

right up until the last moment. 

Terence McKenna (20) 

When are a few lumps going to appear in this smooth time? 

Hard to believe in the return of Carnival, of Saturnalia. 

Perhaps time has stopped here in the Pleroma, here in the 

Gnostic dreamworld where our bodies are rotting but our 

“minds” are downloaded into eternity. We know so much— 

how can we not know the answer to this most vexing of questions? 

Hakim Bey (1994) 

Baudrillard not only believes that utopia exists, but that it lies conveniently 

across the Atlantic ocean. In his travel book, America 

(1989), he squints into the “mirror of our decadence” in a Swiftian 

journey of surreal discovery and philosophical reflection. While “we” 

Europeans (and colonial mimics) philosophize on the end of anything 

and everything, in America things are actually coming to an end. 

(In fact, Baudrillard and Fukuyama are merely the most 

recent intellectuals to perceive historical stagnation in the United 

States. Julian Pefanis reminds us that, for Alexandre Kojève, “the 

American way of life prefigures a life at the end of history” [1991: 

13]; similarly Huysmans’s A Rebours was written “[o]ut of disgust 

with [the] American lifestyle” [in Beaumont 44]. Indeed, this

158 


nation’s violent inception was explained by Christopher Columbus 

in millennial terms: “God made me the messenger of the new heaven 

and the new earth of which he spoke in the Apocalypse of St. 

John after having spoken of it through the mouth of Isaiah; and he 

showed me the spot where to find it” [in Boyer, 1992: 225].) 

The model citizens of this modern utopia are joggers, who, 

according to Baudrillard at least 

are the true Latter Day Saints and the protagonists of an easydoes-it 

Apocalypse. Nothing evokes the end of the world more 

than a man running straight ahead on a beach, swathed in the 

sounds of his walkman, cocooned in the solitary sacrifice of his 

energy, indifferent even to catastrophes since he expects 

destruction to come only as the fruit of his own efforts, from 

exhausting the energy of a body that has in his own eyes become 

useless. (1989: 91) 

Of course the irony that propels Baudrillard’s narrative is the realization 

that this utopia is simultaneously a nightmare. The old 

Chinese proverb—“May you get what you want”—has come true. 

Affluent liberation has produced a kitsch prison. 

The pragmatic difficulty of sustaining and maintaining the 

utopian state is that it always threatens to flip into dystopia. As 

most communes discovered in the 1960s, utopia is “no-place” on 

account of its tendency to fall apart, given the elusiveness of perfection 

(at least since the Fall). Not everyone will agree with 

Baudrillard’s provocative assertion that the American experience is 

“the crisis of an achieved utopia.” But we can certainly appreciate 

the hypothetical dilemma of America having to confront “the problem 

of its duration and permanence” (ibid.: 92). 

In Western eschatology the millennium is often a synonym for 

utopia. (Thomas More’s Utopia was subtitled Millennium in some 

editions.) This equation was reinforced by the biblical anticipation 

of Christ’s thousand-year reign, and its attendent spiritual perks. 

Armageddon, the Second Coming, and the last days leading to 

Judgment Day, convey a powerful sense of imminence while, simultaneously 

locating it in the “no-place” of the future. In this scenario, 

tomorrow never comes. Situating utopia within the hyperreal coordinates 

of American commodity culture, Baudrillard claims that, 

“[u]topia is no longer the domain of transcendence, it is the domain 

of simulation” (ibid.: 27). 

From More and Jonathan Swift to H. G. Wells and Baudrillard, 

speculative literature has tended to equate social utopias with 

entropy, stagnation, banality, decadence, and other forms of “panicin-slow-motion.” 

In such moral fables, utopia represents an end-ofthe-rainbow 

scenario. The elusive qualities of utopia have inspired


a latter-day Situationist and self-described “poetic terrorist,” Bey, 

to formulate his concept of the Temporary Autonomous Zone or 

TAZ. The point of doing so is to acknowledge that “paradise” is a 

highly mobile concept which, in order to flourish in its authentic 

and “unmediated” state, must resist pressures to stabilize it. 

Bey defines the TAZ as 

an uprising which does not engage directly with the State, a guerilla 

operation which liberates an area (of land, of time, of imagination) 

and then dissolves itself to re-form elsewhere/elsewhen, before 

the State can crush it . . . . The TAZ is thus a perfect tactic for an 

era in which the State is omnipresent and all-powerful and yet 

simultaneously riddled with cracks and vacancies. (1991: 101) 

As a heterotopic eruption into the political mediascape, Bey’s utopia 

is explicitly dionysian. Some of its most celebrated moments 

include the Paris Commune, D’Annunzio’s outlaw state of Fiume, 

pirate utopias, 1960s’ be-ins, and—more recently—non-commercial 

dance parties or “raves.” (Neither John of Leyden’s New Jerusalem, 

David Koresh’s Waco Compound, nor the Bible Belt’s “freedom 

zones” qualifies as a TAZ on account of the violence and/or coercion 

that underpins them. Those, however, who have seen William 

Gozecki’s astonishing film, Waco: The Rules of Engagement 

[1997]—which documents the American government’s brutal 

response to the Branch Davidians—may feel that this was indeed a 

TAZ, and one so successful that it could not be tolerated by the 

authorities.) 23 

In many respects Bey’s prescription for an “eros of the social” 

emerges from a more romantic (though highly qualified and politically 

engaged) Baudrillardian perspective; perhaps closer to 

Vaneigem. “Disappearance” is acknowledged to be a valid strategy, 

provided it is not complicit with that “silence of an ironic hyperconformity” 

that Bey sees as the inevitable end point of the 

Frenchman’s philosophy. “TAZ-theory tries to concern itself with 

existing or emerging situations rather than with pure utopianism,” 

he writes. “All over the world people are leaving or ‘disappearing’ 

themselves from the Grid of Alienation and seeking ways to restore 

human contact” (1995): 

As I read it, disappearance seems to be a very logical radical option 

for our time, not at all a disaster or death for the radical project. 

Unlike morbid deathfreak nihilistic interpretation of Theory, mine 

intends to mine it for useful strategies in the always-ongoing “revolution 

of everyday life”: the struggle that cannot cease even with 

the last failure of political or social revolution because nothing 

except the end of the world can bring an end to everyday life, nor

160 


to our aspirations for the good things, for the Marvelous. And as 

Nietzsche said, if the world could come to an end, logically it would 

have done so; it has not, so it does not. And so, as one of the Sufis 

said, no matter how many draughts of forbidden wine we drink, we 

will carry this raging thirst into eternity. (ibid.) 

However, as Mark Dery succinctly pointed out to me during an 

interview, because “the TAZ is temporary” and “autonomous,” it 

cannot claim to be politically effective. “The obvious problem with a 

psychopolitics whose challenges to the status quo are a return to 

Dionysian excess and abandon,” he insists elsewhere, “is that consumer 

culture eats such challenges for breakfast” (38). Like the 

allegedly “transgressive” carnival, the TAZ can be viewed as just 

another liminal space in which to reactivate the prohibition and 

reinforce the social order. 

Bey tries to address this criticism in his article-cum-footnote 

entitled “Permanent TAZs” (1995). While his writing abounds with 

concrete examples of immediatism or TAZs, he offers no practical 

advice on extending the utopian use-by date. What we get instead 

are abstract calls to arms, as when he states that the Permanent 

Autonomous Zone is constituted by “the long-drawn-out intensification 

of the joys—and risks—of the TAZ,” and that “the intensification 

of the PAZ will be . . . . Utopia Now” (ibid.). Here we see 

how the ghost of Baudrillard’s America hovers over all attempts to 

envisage a non-naive and post-Edenic utopia. The question becomes 

politically vital; Can we separate “permanence” from its seemingly 

intrinsic alliance with the status quo? Is the duration of time inherently 

oppressive? 

Bey tries to reconcile political activism with Epicurean sensualism—a 

conflict that provided enough sparks to power the counterculture 

of the 1960s. He has a sharp eye and an even sharper 

tongue, which is quick to denounce the pseudotransgressions of the 

millennial spectacle. Sporting his Situationist affiliations, Bey 

equates the machinations of capital with those digital circuses that 

it both produces and consumes in a grotesque model of perpetual 

motion. Agreeing with Baudrillard that “in every spectacle there is 

the immanence of the catastrophe” (1993: 186), he encourages us to 

shun its attempts at seduction. He believes we have fallen into the 

habit of interpreting mere antisocial behavior as subversive radicalism, 

mistaking reactionary self-loathing for some kind of 

“authentic” creativity. It seems fair to say that Bey would have little 

patience with Paglia’s theory that “paganism has survived in the 

thousand forms of sex, art, and now the modern media” (25), for he 

would seek its legacy in far less visible spaces. 

There is a powerfully libidinal component to Bey’s TAZ, mainly 

because unmediated human contact is its raison d’être. Here again


we can detect a grudging affiliation with Baudrillard, who also maintains 

that “anything that bypasses mediation is a source of pleasure” 

(1993a: 70). In this respect, the TAZ resembles Sir Richard Burton’s 

“Sotadic Zone,” that transgressive imaginary space “in which androgyny, 

pederasty, and perversion held sway” (Showalter 81). It thus 

forms another dionysian blindspot where Pan can cavort for a while 

before Apollo once more slams on the cuffs and reads him his rights. 

(Like all such discourses, the TAZ is complicated by ethics, law, and 

other liberal notions protecting the rights of the individual.) 

Bey’s insistence on “immediatism” forces him to use his agile 

intellect in dealing with the technophilia of many contemporary 

subcultures, including those ravers, techno-pagans and anarchohackers 

who, significantly, make up the bulk of his readership. 

Cyberians often claim the Internet, virtual realities, multi-user 

dimensions, and other fiber-optic paraspaces as the TAZ incarnate. 

Bey, however, is more cautious in handling the double-edged sword 

of communications technologies: 

The TAZ agrees with the hackers because it wants to come into 

being—in part—through the Net, even through the mediation of 

the Net. But it also agrees with the greens because it retains 

intense awareness of itself as body and feels only revulsion for 

CyberGnosis, the attempt to transcend the body through instantaneity 

and simulation. The TAZ tends to view the Tech/anti-Tech 

dichotomy as misleading, like most dichotomies, in which apparent 

opposites turn out to be falsifications or even hallucinations 

caused by semantics . . . . [The TAZ] will use the computer 

because the computer exists, but it will also use powers which are 

so completely unrelated to alienation or simulation that they 

guarantee a certain psychic paleolithism to the TAZ, a primordialshamanic 

spirit which will “infect” even the Net itself (the true 

meaning of Cyberpunk as I read it). (1991: 110-112) 

Bey harmonizes the conflict by resurrecting the old Situationist 

strategy of détournement, which involves turning the detritus of the 

system back on itself. Encouraged to become thieving magpies—the 

“hunter/gatherers of the world of CommTech” (109)—we are 

reminded of William Gibson’s oft-quoted maxim, “The street finds 

its own uses for things,” including, of course, electronic hardware. 

Neither Bey’s pagan affection for the bucolic, nor his neo-Victorian 

weakness for the simple pleasures of quilt making leads him to 

ignore the technologically informed agenda of today’s subcultures. 

According to Bey, then, we need to return not just to a material 

but to a “psychic technology.” In this conjunction between the 

mystical and the mathematical we find another guru of dionysian 

revivalism, McKenna, and his cyberian disciples from the “trench-

162 

es of hyperspace.” 


Civilization and Its Discotheques 

Panic doesn’t have to be unhappy. I see it as ecstasy. It’s just a 

mode of propagation by contiguity, like contagion, only 

faster—the ancient principle of metamorphosis, going from 

one form to another without passing through a system of 

meaning. 

Baudrillard (Gane, 1993: 104) 

All discussions of technology rely—to varying degrees—on metaphysical 

metaphors, especially when referring to its unprecedented 

acceleration and obscure destiny. While this is a strong theme in 

the relatively sober writings of Heidegger, McLuhan, and Virilio, it 

is also the staple of drug-casualties from the 1960s. While I myself 

have suggested that Pan is the goat in the machine, some writers 

display an unwavering faith in the new divinity of technology, seeing 

human salvation as courtesy of the machina ex machina. 

According to a Californian mathematician, Ralph Abraham, a 

“brief kiss” between starched mathematicians and patchoulied hippies 

in the late 1960s constituted “a fractal event, marking a point 

in human history from which the underlying shape or order of existence 

. . . could be inferred” (Rushkoff 24). He goes on to argue that 

the cyberian interest in the pagan, psychedelic, spiritual, and 

tribal is not in the least contradictory to the advances in computer 

technology and mathematics. Historically . . . renaissance 

periods have always involved a resurgence of archaic elements 

along with the invention of new technologies and mathematical 

systems. (ibid.: 25—paraphrased by Rushkoff) 

For the Pop-anthropologist, Douglas Rushkoff, the cyberians of the 

1990s marked the point where the “sixties bell curve finally touches 

down” (ibid.: 85). Abraham and others become part of his project, 

which is dionysian in so far as it seeks to take the “logic” out of the 

technological. He diligently documents anecdotal evidence for the 

dawning of an age which, although slightly less waterlogged than 

Aquarius, operates with the same utopian promise. 

The Nietzschean promotion of pagan values against the corrupt 

dogma of Christianity has become a legacy for today’s young 

misfits. In Rushkoff’s analysis, the 1990s become a reprise of the 

1960s, marked by a resurgence of dionysian excess. Both the orgias-


tic carnival of the Burning Man festival in Nevada (where a giant 

wicker man is symbolically torched in a modern-day potlatch) and 

the mindless catharsis of a Rave in Yourtown, USA, are symptoms 

of a global neopaganism that treads the razor’s edge between commercial 

appropriation and a grassroots celebration. 

Like Bey, McKenna agrees that we are playing clumsily with a 

new “psychic technology”—just as the apes do at the beginning of 

2001: a Space Odyssey (1968). In a sense, then, we are awaiting 

that symbolic jump cut that will connect our ancient past with our 

glorious future. “What is happening,” McKenna informs us, 

is an overall transformation of humanity into an entirely different 

kind of creature. The monkey is being shed. And the thing that is 

made of language and of image and imagination, that has resided in 

the monkeys for so long, is now superseding biological evolution and, 

through culture, taking over the reins of its own form and destiny. 

And the chaos of our age, which is so troubling to us all, is nothing 

unusual at all. It is the normal situation when a species prepares to 

leave the planet. This is the chaos at the end of history. (32) 

How McKenna knows what is “normal” when a species prepares 

to leave a planet is anyone’s guess. The giveaway is to be 

found in one of the epigraphs to this chapter, where he states that 

the twentieth century “does not make any sense” unless it results 

in a “complete transformation of the species.” This hunger for 

meaning exposes the latent fascist logic in his transcendental theory 

of humanity, which he shares with extropians, performance 

artists, engineers, UFO cultists and other proponents of bodyloathing 

“CyberGnosis.” Understandably, this is the point at which 

he parts company with the more “authentic” dionysian, Bey. 

McKenna is thus the latest in that long line of people who view 

history as a unified, coherent, and harmonious plot, whose gross 

tragedies and infinite subtleties coalesce into a pseudo-Proustian tale 

of redemption and salvation. He aims to make “people . . . say, ‘Now 

I understand! Now I understand why the pyramids, why the fall of 

Rome, why Auschwitz, why the H-bomb” (18). Each becomes a nodal 

point on the path foreshadowed by a religious and scientific urge to 

see larger forces at work—to see Heidegger’s “destining” in action. 

Nevertheless, McKenna tries to talk in dionysian terms when 

affirming states of intoxication and the libidinal influence of Pan. 

But he often slips into a strange kind of elitism—and an eighteenth-century 

spirit of evolutionism—when suggesting that drugs 

should be taken only by town planners, architects, and other 

visionaries of the future. The most reactionary aspect of his 

thought, however, is located in the structure of millenarian 

prophecy itself, and especially in his resonant definition of history

164 


as “the shock wave of eschatology” (41): 

Something is at the end of time and it is casting an enormous shadow 

over human history, drawing all human becoming toward it. All 

wars, the philosophies, the rapes, the pillaging, the migrations, the 

cities, the civilizations—all of this is occupying a microsecond of 

geological, planetary, and galactic time as the monkeys react to the 

symbiote, which is in the environment and which is feeding information 

to humanity about the larger picture. (ibid.) 

This “something” at the end of time is the Eschaton, a necessarily 

ambiguous transcendental object at the end of history. Like the millennium 

itself, the Eschaton is a floating symbol, equally as seductive 

and opaque as Arthur C. Clarke’s monolith in 2001. According 

to McKenna, the means to reach it is as vivid and psychedelic as 

Stanley Kubrick’s famous climactic sequence at the end of the film; 

in fact, it is much more so, thanks to the magic mushroom and 

other potent hallucinogens. The details of his own experimental 

epiphanies—which involve “self-transforming machinic elves”—are 

recorded in a volume of essays and interviews entitled The Archaic 

Revival (1991). Its mantralike message is firmly within the premillennial 

tradition of utopianism, although it displays some specifically 

Californian idiosyncrasies. 

McKenna thinks that a general historical acceleration will 

cause enough cultural friction to make the human kernel “pop” suddenly 

and miraculously into a fluffy white angelic creature. 

Although this popcorn theory exists on the fringes of accepted philosophy, 

it is central to New-Age ideology. In combining elements of 

both Aldous Huxley and Timothy Leary, McKenna provides an 

example of that retrospective tampering with the meaning of history 

that Michael André Bernstein calls “foreshadowing.” Such a 

rhetorical strategy tries to “explain” suffering and injustice as 

“inevitable” or “preordained.” 

McKenna insists that 

[t]he Aeon, eternity, and the millennium are accomplished facts, 

not an anticipation. Hence the mushroom stands at the end of history. 

It stands for an object that pulls all history toward itself. It’s 

a causal force that operates upon us backward through time. It is 

why things happen the way they do; because everything is being 

pulled forward toward a nexus of transformation. (70) 

Indeed, McKenna sees it “as a necessary chaos that will lead to a 

new and more attractive order” (160). This is not Bey’s ever-present, 

creative chaos: it is a storm-before-the-calm, to be weathered in 

the sheltered workshop of a contemplative mind. A fascination with


colored lights in the psyche morphs into the familiar dilution of 

dionysian concerns and the political apathy which accompanies it. 

It is easy to dismiss McKenna on the grounds that his own 

drug-induced revelations are exactly that: the frazzled ravings of a 

sixties’ refugee. But because his sermonizing has been picked up by 

the global network of cyberians—and most notably ravers—these 

ideas are filtering into the melting pot of allegedly anti-Apollonian 

philosophies. McKenna’s sophisticated prodrug message, together 

with his perceptive observation that culture itself is the original 

“virtual reality,” function as a Trojan horse for his more insidiously 

Darwinian narrative, which acknowledges National Socialism as 

its “negative” incarnation (205). McKenna thus concludes that “it’s 

true that the earth is the cradle of mankind, but one cannot remain 

in the cradle forever” (66). Sci-fi fantasies of physical transcendence 

not only render the very material basis of human existence expendable, 

but continue the legacy of colonization into the virgin territories 

of the galaxy. 

As in the cases of the Heaven’s Gate and Aum Shinrikyo cults, 

millenarian ideas that filter through popular science-fiction can 

seduce people into a thanatic rapture, and lead them to direct their 

murderous impulses either toward the self or the other. (Shoko 

Asahara and his advisors used Isaac Asimov’s Foundation series as 

a blueprint for their own sinister New World Order [Kaplan and 

Marshall, 29-30].) Some young people—and not so young—weaned 

on a steady diet of Dr. Who, Star Trek, Star Wars, The X-Files and 

many other apocalyptically tinged science-fiction shows, display an 

aesthetic affection for such inter-galactic trappings. Science-fiction 

is a convenient host for parasitical discourses associated with neoimperialism, 

paranoia, alien-nation and world domination. 

How else are we to explain the fact that McKenna’s followers 

consist mostly of environmentally conscious and politically active 

techno-fans? Why do these subcultures empathize with the sinister 

subtext of McKenna’s evolutionist agenda? It seems that his fusion 

of the futuristic and the archaic acts as a smoke screen to smuggle 

in his notion of the Transcendental Fungus. Perhaps I am overstating 

the significance of McKenna’s peripheral gospel, however, his 

arguments demonstrate the internal contradictions—and seemingly 

eternal dynamic—between prophecy and immediatism, utopia and 

temporary autonomous zones, and transgression and transcendence. 

According to McKenna, the revelation and panic of the UFO signals 

the eruption of Pan, “bursting through from the underworld” (60). 

Indeed, he even refers to Huysmans, describing A Rebours as

166 


an amazing novel about a man who is so sensitized to perception 

that he can’t leave his apartments. He has his walls covered in felt 

and keeps the lights very low. He collects the [French Symbolist 

painter] Redon when nobody had ever heard of Redon. He buys 

turtles and has jewels affixed to their backs. Then he sits in a halflit 

room and smokes hashish and watches the turtles crawl around 

on his Persian rugs. Let’s all go home and do this. (77) 

Yet Huysmans’s pessimistic decadence lies on the far side of the spectrum 

to McKenna’s spaced-out fantasies of a posthuman superrace. 

The Archaic Revival invokes the unifying notion of the Overmind. It 

thus continues the tradition of anticipating quantum leaps in human 

existence, and gestures mutely towards Ralph Waldo Emerson’s 

Oversoul and Friedrich Nietzsche’s Overman. McKenna’s ascendant 

agenda is not so much a climb up Jacob’s ladder as a tour through the 

magic faraway tree; the perfect scenario for a rave. 

Because McKenna champions the shamanic “ecstasy” of 

drugs, his project is appropriated by technopagans, who either 

overlook or ignore his contempt for large-scale, bacchanalian gatherings. 

There is no doubt that McKenna’s writings encourage this 

enormous “global tribe,” which he insists is superior to the 1960s 

counterculture in all respects, not least in its organizational skills 

and longevity. But because he defines ecstasy as “the contemplation 

of wholeness” (13), he sees no point in using “ecstasy” and 

other synthetic drugs purely for fun. Instead of a TAZ, he seeks a 

durable launchpad for the soul. 

“Ecstasy” literally means “a standing forth”—of the soul from 

the body, in the Christian tradition. Ravers often speak (although 

usually not in these terms) of the almost Bataillean continuity 

experienced at a successful dance party. Indeed, Bataille’s ghost 

haunts many of these gatherings, reminding us that the morbid flavor 

of much “gen-x” pop-culture has infiltrated the rave. “We can 

only reach a state of ecstasy,” writes Bataille, “when we are conscious 

of death or annihilation, even remotely” (1986: 267). 

The cultural critic Simon Reynolds argues that certain postmodern 

notions are “tailor-made for rave culture”: 

The concept of the “desiring machine,” for example, describes the 

way that the sound system, DJ and audience combine to form a 

single mechanism generating euphoria without pretext or context. 

The Deleuzian notion of the “body without organs”—a notion sufficiently 

opaque to defy any ready textual summary—might be 

best explained through the polymorphously perverse rapture 

enjoyed by the raver on ecstasy, a sensuous but sexless bliss without 

climax. (35)


Anybody who has experienced the aphrodisiac, even orgiastic, 

effects of the drug ecstasy would question Reynolds’s use of the 

word sexless, which certainly does not describe that female technopagan’s 

testimony to the disturbing sexual power of the rave, which 

I quoted in my introduction. Nevertheless, his observation that the 

mode of the rave is generally “bliss without climax” is accurate. 

Unlike the traditional rock-concert, it often emphasizes a mantralike 

“monotony,” devoid of peak hit-singles or a pyrotechnic finale. 

All the fireworks explode in the head while the body is left bouncing 

like a marionette. 

The many different types of rave are organized according to 

techno-music’s various subcategories and aesthetic allegiances. 

An urban drum ’n’ bass party in a disused factory is a completely 

different experience from the trance party held by neopagans in 

the forests of northern Australia or on the coast of India. Urban 

raves tend to be more streetwise, focusing on the production and 

distribution of the music and its related visual paraphernalia. At 

least in my experience, rural raves are usually held by technopagans, 

or by more spiritually inclined people, who follow a hotchpotch 

of holistic philosophies, including Zen Buddhism, Gaia and 

the Goddess, benign satanism, green politics, and New Age transcendentalism. 

However, in their overtly carnivalesque aspect, all 

raves, no matter how “sophisticated,” leave themselves open to 

charges of a postmodern bacchanalia. 

At one point, Rushkoff’s book introduces the concept of “morphogenetic 

fields.” These are accumulations of mystico-psychic 

traces or empathetic vibrations that influence cultural phenomenoa. 

London’s morphogenetic field, he tells us, is more powerful 

than America’s: 

London’s pagan cultures have endured centuries of repression and 

distillation. Their phase-locking was probably achieved somewhere 

in the twelfth century. Symbols and even personalities from 

ancient pagan times still live in London house [music] . . . . 

While the English rave has a quality of medievalism, tribal energy, 

and Old World paganism, the American cyber disco is the most 

modern mutation of bliss induction, and uses whatever means 

necessary to bring people into the fractal pattern. (120-121, 125) 

Australian technopagans claim that a hundred thousand years of 

spiritual connections between dancing Aborigines and their land have 

created morphogenetic fields that account for the special quality of 

Antipodean raves. Without going into the complicated politics of postcolonial 

corroborees, we can appreciate how this subculture, in constructing 

its own dubious dynamic between past and future, provides 

sociological evidence for the Maffesolis of this world, who believe in

168 


the power of the orgy and in the explosion of new tribal formations. 

New Age travelers were among the most visible and victimized 

critics of Margaret Thatcher’s Britain, which introduced Draconian 

laws (including one banning “loud, monotonous booming sounds”) 

to eradicate musical gatherings. These TAZs became even more 

temporary when riot police were sent in to stamp out such 

dionysian frivolity. But while in England it became a game of 

“thump the mole” between state and rave, commercialism was also 

waiting to feed off the carcass. 

It is a countercultural truism that Pepsi can destroy any transgressive 

impulse or “authentic celebration” faster than any police 

force. Nevertheless, Pan continues to dance in invisible spaces, one 

step ahead of his Apollonian nemesis. No less than the Pill or the 

Bomb, the amplifier (and especially the sampler/sequencer/turntable) 

has been a political catalyst in stirring D. H. Lawrence’s “pagan mass” 

into a frenzied fusion, which the authorities perceived as a threat. 

Nietzsche’s Birth of Tragedy (1872) valorized the dionysian 

properties of music. In the rave, mosh, Burning Man, and other 

youth-oriented carnivalesque eruptions we see other philosophical 

seeds beginning to grow. What they will grow into, and whether 

they will be genetically engineered into something else, is a question 

worth considering. 

After the Orgy (But Before the Test Results) 

We seem to be in some sort of temporal flux. 

Star Trek Generations 

[T]here is no closure at the end of the twentieth century— 

sooner a “closure-effect.” 

Geoff Waite (1) 

The tension that exists between orgasm-as-sacrifice (petite mort) 

and orgasm-as-insemination (reproduction, immortality) always 

depends upon the panic dynamic. Accordingly, those three zeros 

contained in the year 2000 began to acquire a pornographic gloss. 

In the phallic economy of apocalypse, each zero becomes either an 

orifice used in the game of political withdrawal, or a womb to return 

to in a mass movement of redemptive regression. 

The end as such, at least according to Baudrillard, is an illusion; 

perhaps the fundamental illusion in a world structured on


such mirages. Hence the dionysian embrace of such uncertainty 

principles as the imaginary, dreams, intoxication, trances, the 

unconscious, pataphysics, and chaos theory. Perhaps this also 

explains the immense cultural impact of cyberspace—Gibson’s 

“conceptual hallucination”—a new social space that was a hypothetical 

playground before it became a corporate battleground. 

Information technologies have become the millennial terrain of 

erotic-thanatic interactions. This historical juncture is as intense 

as the final level of a video game played throughout the centuries, 

an enigmatic virtual challenge on which all previous achievements 

are staked. Do we save the game now, and continue later? Quit 

while we’re ahead? Or is it already too late? Such a trite metaphor 

at least captures the Western perception of history as a linear 

process of accumulation. 

The scientific rapture of the intellect reveals and uncovers 

what is not yet known, and this knowledge follows an apocalyptic 

momentum. The word Doomsday recalls the Domesday Book, 

William the Conqueror’s first attempt in 1085 to catalog the populace. 

According to a popular rumor of the time, the completion of this 

task would herald the end of the world, a recognition of the bureaucratic 

affinity between this census and the Holy book of Judgment 

Day. Perhaps the very act of recording names could lead to salvation. 

In this sense, the Last Days will be characterized not by the victory 

of anarchy over civilization but rather by the triumph of the Western 

quest to pierce and record the secrets of the universe. 

Arthur C. Clarke’s canonical short story, “The Nine Billion 

Names of God” (1967), is a parable of how the Enlightenment project 

will be completed in the information age. A powerful new computer 

program is commissioned by a group of Tibetan monks who wish to 

identify the true name of God. Those who do not believe that IBM 

software could possibly complete such a sacred task begin to descend 

by night from the mountain monastery, only to see the stars wink out 

one by one. The power of this image stems not only from our deep 

connection to scientific narratives of completion and exhaustion, but 

from Deleuze’s insight that “[w]e are made up of fatigues as much as 

of contemplations” (77). (See chapter 1 of Difference and Repetition 

for his unique perspective on the orgiastic.) 

Apocalypse is thus a grand label for completion and closure: the 

mystery simultaneously answered and gone. Groaning under the 

weight of accumulated knowledge, our episteme secretly desires a 

clean slate and a fresh start. “The accumulation of time imposes the 

idea of progress,” Baudrillard notes, “as the accumulation of science 

imposes the ideas of truth: in each case, what is accumulated is no 

longer symbolically exchanged, but becomes an objective dimension” 

(1993: 146). In other words, science traps its self-manufactured

170 


truth within dead objects, amputated from the general economy of 

existence. It therefore mistakenly relies on surplus time and knowledge, 

which are as useless as those enormous silos of “emergency” 

grain, which rots in the United States while much of the world 

starves. Baudrillard thinks “we cannot hope for a . . . revolution 

at the end of this process of spiralling hoarding” (ibid.: 147). 

The postmodern vision of apocalypse is thus not a battle 

between demons and harlots, but a conference of bespectacled computer 

programmers with identical pocket-protectors. As the enigma 

of Armageddon morphs into the spreadsheets of Silicon Valley, 

Truth is revealed not in a thunderclap, but in Bill Gates’s monotonal 

whine. As Krishan Kumar puts it, “[c]atastrophe will be 

expressed in lines on a graph rather than in the imagery of the 

Book of Revelation” (211). Such is the “debased millenarianism” 

(ibid.: 212) of our own epoch, where seduction and fate yield to 

rationality and causality. 

“Our Apocalypse is not real,” Baudrillard declares, “it is virtual” 

(1994: 119). Unlike Neil Armstrong, history itself is “taking a fantastic 

step backwards by building the ruins of the future” (ibid.: 79). The 

end of the space-race heralds the end of the most impoverished, the 

most materialistic, and the most imperialistic form of transcendence 

that our scientific society could provide. Even “the end” has become 

a sort of satellite, like transcendence, orbiting the earth without 

being able to hit the escape velocity needed for release. Should any of 

these grand values—history, apocalypse, and transcendence—ever 

return to us, it will do so only in the manner of a battered Mir-like 

satellite, spiraling back to earth in a spectacular crash.

7 

Conclusion: 

The Revelation Will not be Televised 

Y2Care: Debugging the Millennium 

It all follows, so why seek complexity where there is none? 

171 

Dolmance (Sade 96) 

Eroticism’s too heavy a burden for human strength. The torment 

of orgies is inseparable from the agony of war as Jünger 

pictured it: in the morning you wake up under the table with 

the litter of the previous evening around you. This is a given 

for orgies, a condition without which they wouldn’t exist. 

Georges Bataille (Davenport-Hines 329) 

New Year’s Eves are notoriously anti-climactic. This is because we 

insist that they hold the symbolic weight of a temporally significant 

transitional moment, a weight the actual experience of time passing 

cannot hold. Despite the conviction of the prophets of apocalypse, 

there is always a morning after. We are always already after the orgy. 

The urge for fusion through confusion, and continuity over discontinuity—no 

matter how primal, infantile, or mystical its origin—is 

a dionysian theme now being remobilized by the media, who 

anxiously await a spectacle worthy of the occasion. (The pop-singer 

Jennifer Lopez provided a perfect example of this orgasmic anticipation 

in her video clip for “Waiting for Tonight,” which lovingly 

depicted a group of millennial party-goers being drenched in the 

Derridean spume of giant champagne-bottles-cum-fire-hydrants.) 

All the media hype surrounding New Years’ Eve 2000 helped create 

the anticlimactic wave that swept the globe with the millennial

172 

Conclusion 

dawn, compounded and aggravated by centuries of this discursive 

foreplay. “Ultimate detachment is not the same as freedom” Walter 

Kirn had already warned, before noting that “escape is no substitute 

for liberation and rapture isn’t happiness. The sound-and-light 

show at the end of time . . . seems bound to disappoint” (Dery 49). 

Every cliché in history was forced to jump through the mesmerizing 

hoops of those three zeros in the year 2000. Computer scientists 

and corporate executives awaited the date with dread because they 

had a self-made apocalypse on their hands, known as the “millennium 

bug” or the Y2K problem. As if believing unconsciously in the 

Christian Millennium, computer programmers put only two digits in 

each silicon chip, making ’69 stand for 1969 without anticipating the 

problems this could bring in the twenty-first century. Possible scenarios 

offered by self-styled experts included everything from minor 

inconvenience to total system breakdown, including nuclear dysfunction. 

One newspaper reported that “[t]he failure to program even 

vastly powerful mainframe computers to cope with a trivial change 

of date may be the biggest, most costly and absurd mistake in the history 

of the industrialized world” (Reeve et al. 53). We were told to 

brace for the Infocalypse, which would begin in New Zealand and 

sweep west across the globe with the dawning of the millennium. The 

Y2K problem was thus a perfect fable of modern myopia, a prosaic 

twist on the Frankenstein myth that our technology will destroy us. 

Suddenly the corporate demand for “Y2K compliance” became a 

warning to us all—upgrade or freeze. 

The year 2000 (or more specifically 2001) was more than a 

date. It represented a future that was never supposed to come, or 

at least not so soon. Currently taking the first tentative steps into 

the third millennium, we find ourselves in the position of someone 

who has lusted after a sex object for so long that consummation 

seems undesirable because it will be inevitably disappointing. Not 

being able to resist, however, we try to postpone an awkward awakening: 

“after the national orgasm a sort of collective melancholy” 

(Baudrillard, 1989: 58). Or even worse, feeling a sharp twinge in 

our loins—the location of the Last Judgement (Brown, 1990: 49)— 

we realize we have all caught the millennium bug, a virus with the 

potential to seize the entire system. 

And yet the Y2K prophecy—like all others before it—turned 

out to be a hoax, just another in a long line of anticlimaxes. “The 

worst of it all,” predicted Jean Baudrillard, “is precisely that there 

will be no end to anything, and all these things will continue to 

unfold slowly, tediously, recurrently, in that hysterisis of everything 

which, like nails and hair, continue to grow after death” (1994: 116). 

Barely a year into the twenty-first century, and it becomes 

increasingly clear that Jacques Derrida was correct in declaring

The Revelation Will not be Televised 173 

that “all language on apocalypse is also apocalyptic and cannot be 

excluded from its object” (1984b: 30). With the sound of the clock 

still ticking loudly in our ears, we nurse this historical hangover 

and prepare for the next; patiently enduring the cultural equivalent 

of being too tired to sleep. What can we expect from such 

hyper-ennui? What, indeed, are we doing after the orgy? 

Anybody more obsessed with origins would be driven to distraction 

in trying to determine whether the ur-myth of apocalypse stems 

from the sexual act, or history itself. I have tried to demonstrate 

that not only is it impossible to decide, but that it is misleading to 

separate the two. Although Camille Paglia thinks that “the sex act 

cruelly mimics history’s decline and fall” (20), we could easily provide 

evidence for the contrary. For as Marshall McLuhan remarks, 

“[i]nstead of asking which came first, the chicken or the egg,” we 

could entertain the idea that “a chicken was an egg’s idea for getting 

more eggs” (1974: 20). 

As a conceptual model, the orgasm mimics and invokes the 

anticipated millennium, being in equal parts both apocalyptic horror 

and divine bliss. As contingent constructions, both “sexuality” 

and “history” seem to require a climax. To promote a “nonorgasmic” 

and “antiphallic” model of history barely counters the fact that the 

drive for transcendence dictates much of what we call “culture.” In 

the last couple of centuries, tales of salvation, redemption, revelation, 

transcendence and transfiguration have been incubated in 

sexual metaphors. Consequently, they are now saturated in the 

libidinal economy of our age, so that apocalyptic tension has become 

both terminable and interminable. In such a situation there seems 

little evidence to counter Baudrillard’s claim that political solutions 

are helpless against the symbolic. 

Like Michel Maffesoli, I resist the “tyranny of the ought to be,” 

but have nevertheless felt compelled to identify those currents that 

sometimes hinder, and sometimes foster, the most pragmatic of 

utopian impulses. To live after the orgy is not to mistake the End of 

the World for that right-wing phobia, the End of Civilization as We 

Know It. Rather, it is to fully appreciate the paradoxical desire to 

be saved from salvation itself. 

Antiapocalypticians like Donna Haraway, Lee Quinby, and 

Michael André Bernstein maintain that the power of self-fulfilling 

prophecies is evident in the myopic politics of everyday life, 

whether conducted in Congress, the library, or at home. The more 

we “foreshadow” the future in apocalyptic terms, the more we create 

the conditions for its arrival. If we are continuously portrayed 

as waiting for the thanatic asymptote to cross the line and land on 

our heads (like the nuclear witnesses waiting at the end of Thomas

174 

Conclusion 

Pynchon’s nuclear rainbow, or the masses gazing up at the Genitron 

clock) then the chances of its actually occurring, sooner or later, 

increase. The apocalypse thus becomes apocryphal, spread around 

like an urban legend that then becomes “true.” As Steven Shaviro 

remarks, “[o]ur incessant waiting for catastrophe to happen itself 

enfolds or embodies the catastrophic event” (1997). 

This point is crucial, for who can be sure of the extent to 

which tales of fire-and-brimstone justice informs the vengeful 

policies of the current president of the United States? (Especially 

in the wake of the spectacular terrorist attacks on the twin towers 

of the World Trade Center; which themselves certainly count 

as “apocalyptic”.) 24 Yet those who write off the apocalyptic mode as 

intrinsically fundamentalist and dangerous unwittingly confuse 

“the truth of the revelation” with “the revealed truth” (Derrida, 

1984: 28). This point is equally crucial, for antiapocalyptic 

philosophies fail to take account of the imaginary politics 

inscribed in many end-time scenarios. 

A glib example occurs in the movie Ghostbusters (1984), when 

the city of New York is under attack from thousands of poltergeists. 

Dr. Peter Venkman (Bill Murray) describes the ensuing chaos as 

“cats and dogs living together—mass hysteria!” Old antagonisms 

are dissolved in that moment of panic when we confront the possibility 

of Armageddon. A more apposite example is found in Alan 

Lightman’s Einstein’s Dreams (1994), a literary meditation on 

alternative time-space continuums. One chapter depicts the town of 

Berne, which has recently learned that the world will end in one 

month’s time on September 26, 1907: 

One month before the end, businesses close. The Bundeshaus 

halts its proceedings. The federal telegraph building on 

Speichergasse falls silent. Likewise the watch factory on 

Laupenstrasse, the mill past the Nydegg Bridge. What need is 

there for commerce and industry with so little time left? . . . 

A barrister and a postal clerk who have never before met walk arm 

in arm through the Botanischer Garten, smile at the cyclamens 

and asters, discuss art and colour. What do their past stations 

matter? . . . (56, 58) 

In this utopian apocalypse, “a world with one month is a world of 

equality.” The point of saying so, however, is not to bring such a situation 

into being, but to remind modern amnesiacs that different 

attitudes to time call for different definitions of community. Such 

stories counter the limiting determinism of people like McLuhan, 

who believes that “[w]e look at the present through a rear-view mirror,” 

and “march backwards into the future” (1967: 74-75).


Those who see the End in negative and absolutist terms may 

find themselves awkwardly aligned with the religio-scientific logic 

of capital, in which life is replaced by survival. Take for instance, 

Ishmael Reed’s “psychic epidemic” Jes Grew, in his novel Mumbo 

Jumbo (1996). This “antiplague” (which grips the vitals of its 

ecstatic victims, and is linked directly to “a young comer named 

Dionysus” [165]) threatens Civilization as We Know It: no bad 

thing, given the miserable history of the term and its violent implementation 

throughout the world. In other words, it is not a matter 

of being “for or against” the apocalypse, mainly because only a 

handful of humans have any real influence over the matter, anyway. 

Instead it involves exploiting the ironic aspects of millennial 

exhaustion in such a way as to incorporate Dionysian insights, 

while avoiding the joyless trajectory of their conclusions (and here 

I’m thinking particularly of Baudrillard, and also of “fascoid” 

residues in sadistic neo-Nietzschean schools of thought). 25 

Quinby castigates Baudrillard for his “ironic apocalypticism,” 

which she believes provides the breeding ground for an irresponsible 

apathy (xxii). In contrast, Richard Dellamora offers the “ironizing 

of apocalypse” as a discursive strategy against destructive logic, 

particularly by gay activists, who have a direct investment in the 

postorgy politics of libidinal millenarianism. Antiapocalypticians, 

therefore, remain oblivious to the irritating grain of truth in 

Baudrillard’s observation that oppositional tactics become obsolete 

if based on the political rather than on the symbolic economy. While 

I admire their attacks on the ideological subtext of doom-mongering, 

I believe these people fail to acknowledge the inescapable fact 

that apocalypse has become the only postrevolutionary model of 

radical change for an entire generation. Although this is in itself 

unfortunate, the unstable properties of millenarianism allow for a 

theoretical space in which to address the future as a crooked continuum 

rather than as a final culmination. In short, libidinal millenarianism 

is both the product of, and antidote to, cultural fatigue. 

The apocalypse, deconstruction, postmodernity, millennium, 

Eschaton—call it what you will—is motivated by the desire for a 

progressive future, a making new. These ideas often represent a 

utopia that is more pragmatic than programmatic, implicitly recognizing 

the fact that an exhausted epoch may not have the imaginative 

energy or inclination to resuscitate discredited utopian models. 

Such chronotopic figures are susceptible, of course, to market-oriented 

manipulation, but they are also open to the seduction of dissent. 

The apocalyptic tone cuts both ways because it is capable of 

being manipulated in the interests of opposing prophetic agendas. 

As Richard Dellamora puts it, “[o]racular utterance needs to retain 

‘enough apocalyptic desire’ to motivate both the pursuit of social

176 

Conclusion 

renovation and the continuing critique of ‘the apocalyptic discourse 

itself’” (1994: 26). 

Bernstein believes that “the literary excitement of imagining an 

apocalyptic breakdown of all social restraints is usually thrilling in 

direct proportion to its improbability” (1992: 39). While it may be 

true that media moguls, safe in their mansions, get some perverse 

thrill from reading Edgar Allen Poe’s The Fall of House of Usher or 

watching Bruce Willis in Armageddon, others less fortunate may 

genuinely relish the social leveling-potential of apocalypse. 

Millenarian fantasies have always nourished those with the least to 

lose and the most to gain: the poor, the disenfranchised, the marginalized 

and the exploited. For every Heaven’s Gate there is a 

Public Enemy, using the End for their own means (see their 1988 

album “It Takes a Nation of Millions to Hold Us Back”). Bernstein’s 

formula thus ignores the proliferation of nuclear movies and novels 

that emerged in the cold world era, not to mention the rash of fictional 

viral scenarios since the hysteria surrounding HIV AIDS and 

Ebola. Indeed, Hollywood’s response to the terrorist attacks on 

Manhattan are yet to be fully gauged, but it would be an historical 

anomaly if the production studious did not channel the subsequent 

panic into mass forms of entertainment. Genuinely apocalyptic 

moments have been accompanied by apocalyptic stories that are no 

less “exciting” for being more likely. Indeed, they swell the profits of 

doom. 

Antiapocalypticians therefore choose to ignore or devalue 

Derrida’s insight that “[n]othing is less conservative than the apocalyptic 

genre” (1984: 29). Indeed, “apocalyptic thinking can open up 

spaces for the enunciation or utterance of hitherto silenced and 

marginalized voices” (Dickinson 230). We must therefore remember 

that the radical indeterminacy of time is not only the source of 

metaphysical anguish, but also the political site of potential tomorrows. 

It represents the refusal to limit future directions through 

prophetic or utopian foreclosures. 

Perhaps, to defer to Derrida once again, we can glimpse the 

hither side of this modern conundrum in his notion of the “messianic 

without messianism,” or rather, a “future-to-come” that 

avoids the temptation to totalize; to approach tomorrow “without 

concluding in advance” (1994: 37). Rather than disposing of the 

prophetic tone altogether, Derrida believes that it is possible to 

sever the eschatological from the teleological, and therefore recuperate 

and reroute the various passages of time. Such a strategy 

“strips the messianic hope of all biblical forms, and even all determinable 

figures of the wait or expectation; it thus denudes itself in 

view of responding to that which must be absolute hospitality, the 

‘yes’ to the arrivant(e), the ‘come’ to the future that cannot be antic-


ipated—which must not be the ‘anything whatsoever’ . . .” (168). 

Thus, the “messianic is general” is, according to Derrida (and in 

contrast to someone like Quinby) something that “we cannot and 

ought not to do without” (ibid.). 

The asymptotic approach of the arrivant(e) is also reflected in 

the subtitle of this study: “toward a politics of exhaustion.” Such a 

proposition usually implies a desired destination or a predetermined 

telos. I would hesitate, however, in making such a suggestion 

when dealing with libidinal millenarianism. The future-to-come 

never really arrives, and yet in order to make some kind of cultural 

sense out of the present we must behave as if these proleptic 

traces are leading us to some expedient state. The question therefore 

becomes, What is this politics of exhaustion? Have I merely 

been documenting the exhaustion of a certain kind of post- 

Enlightenment politics? Or “politics” itself? Or is it that political 

responses are constantly reborn from the compost of previous victory 

banquets? From the ashes of extinguished enthusiasms? Or 

even from the emotional residues of fleeting affiliations? 

Clues to the answers of such questions can be found in the 

work of the Italian theorist, Giorgio Agamben, who has adopted the 

prophetic power of Derrida’s “to-come” in relation to his particular 

vision of a “coming community,” based on an “inessential commonality” 

(1993). Agamben states that the “coming being” represents a 

particular ontic mode whose power lies is in its pure possibility: 

humanity “has to exist as potentiality” (ibid.: 1, 44). “To come” represents 

that which has not yet been brought into being: a “region 

that is beyond perdition and salvation” (ibid.: 6). 

The coming community is, therefore, an ideal place to begin 

looking for a politics of exhaustion on the other side of the twentieth 

century (so long as we realize that the search is more important 

than the object it seeks). The coming community also represents a 

collective expression of its own sophisticated millenarian subtexts, 

not least in its linguistic gesture towards eternity (ibid.: 101-103). 

In evading essentialist notions of identity, affiliation, and other representable 

conditions of belonging, Agamben’s strategy attempts to 

defy the all-inclusive meta-discourse of the nation-state. (The task 

at hand is to further unpack Agamben’s metadionysian model into 

the current media-globalist climate.) Such strategic evasions have 

the power to defuse those apocalyptic scenarios that reinforce the 

social bond through a rejuvenation of State power and presence (as 

witnessed in the painfully obviously Benetton-dénouement [outcome] 

of Roland Emmerich’s Independence Day). 

The coming community, along with the libidinal economy 

through which it circulates, is a promise that can’t be kept, according 

to its inherent condition. Once we have come, we are “spent”

178 

Conclusion 

(and all exchange is temporarily suspended). Thus, even Agamben’s 

postutopian vision stems from a sense of anticipation: something 

glimpsed within the slippage between coming and going. (Imagine 

if lovers announced their own climax with the phrase “I’m going.”) 

Again it becomes clear that millennial time discursively dwells in 

the eternally liminal space between an always after orgy, and an 

always almost apocalypse. 

As Agamben notes, “At this point there is salvation—but not 

for us” (ibid.: 102). 

The Owl of Minerva Versus the Millennium Falcon 

The idea that to-morrow morning at half-past seven o’clock a 

monstrous, unsuspected event will suddenly take place; that 

on Thursday next a complete revolution will be accomplished 

at a single blow, that a revelation, a redemption, the advent 

of a new age, is imminent—this is frequently observed 

among the insane; it is a mystic delirium. 

Max Nordau (544) 

The more things change, the less they stay the same. 

Spinal Tap interview 

From Rock-a-bye Baby to Revelation, apocalypse and redemption 

form part of the most enduring and pervasive dynamic in 

Western history. From the everyday apocalypse of our refrigerator’s 

use-by dates, to the more profound nuclear and viral fears, 

the urge for some kind of spiritual or emotional salvation from 

the brink has led to what Mark Dery has called a “theology of the 

ejector seat” (8). 

The influential philosophies of the Marquis de Sade, Bataille, 

and Nietzsche were all fabricated in times of perceived crisis or 

ending: the Terror, the Holocaust, the fin de siècle, and thus echo 

nightmarishly in our own ears. By returning to dionysian ideas 

from a jaded millennial perspective, we better understand how 

the thanatic asymptote attaches itself like a tapeworm to our 

most cherished myths, especially the myth of progress. As 

Haraway reminds us, “there have been practical inheritances, 

which have undergone many reconfigurations, but which remain 

potent” (1997: 33). Incorporating everything from Aum


Shinrikyo’s telepathic helmets through F. T. Marinetti’s machinic 

madness to Neal Stephenson’s cyborgs, this inheritance adapts to 

each unique cultural splicing. 

The erotic apocalypse is so fundamental to Western eschatology 

that “libidinal millenarianism” is not one specific form of millenarianism, 

but its fundamental structure and function. Moreover, 

it is the persistent link between the liminal and the libidinal that 

creates the conditions for its transmission between people, generations, 

and cultures. For just as liminal spaces (e.g., trains, hotels, 

and nightclubs) encourage the libido, so too do liminal moments 

(e.g., weddings, carnivals, and the apocalypse). 

Libidinal millenarianism is thus the ideological wreckage created 

by the redemptive, goal-seeking conception of history after its 

violent collision with a more ancient, cyclic perspective on the passage 

of time. By belonging to or issuing from “nature,” Pan stands 

outside history, and as such he plays an ambiguous and ambivalent 

role in narratives of the End. “Transgression itself is organized,” 

Bataille notes. “Eroticism as a whole is an organized activity, and 

this is why it changes over the years” (1986: 108). To reclaim or 

reinvent a diversity of political futures (which themselves refuse 

the politically dubious premise of vigorous health and boundless 

energy) is thus an imaginative and existential challenge. 

As Shaviro observes, the “sense of urgency and impending 

doom,” displayed in postmodern culture, “is always being ironized, 

stylized, and indefinitely deferred” (1997). Herein lies the difference 

between our own millennium and those heretical eruptions 

that preceded modernity: our self-conscious and almost embarrassed 

sense of still being here against all odds and sense of decorum. 

The stubborn persistence of the human race in spelling 

Armageddon for everything—from other species to obsolete technologies, 

languages, and worldviews—is tantamount to hubris. 

Although every lunatic in an end-is-nigh sandwich board has been 

wrong so far, he or she represents a kind of twisted truth. As 

Walter Benjamin’s angel of history foretold, the end is always nigh, 

and progress is always catastrophic. 

I have been arguing that dionysian rhetoric, which traditionally 

has been viewed as apocalyptic, smuggles in certain ideas antagonistic 

to historical closure, whether presented as Armageddon or 

utopia (which are two sides of the same bad penny). As the Earl of 

Shaftesbury cannily observed, “[i]t was never surely the business of 

Poets in those days to call Revelation in to question, when it evidently 

made so well for their art” (7). The same could be said for our 

scientists, journalists, and other cultural engineers. 

“I love not knowing the future,” said Nietzsche (Bey, 1994). The

180 

same cannot be said of weather forecasters, investment bankers, 

stockbrokers, corporate-affiliated psychics, and other commercial 

prognosticators. The future, as Andrew Ross remarks, 

has been heavily populated by traditionally anti-progressivist 

interests. It has become the natural habitat of technocratic elites; 

a lucrative haven for financial speculators; an indispensable tool 

in the politics of crisis management; a professional training 

ground for militarists; the next frontier for free-marketeers; and 

the locus for “thinking the unthinkable,” to use Herman Kahn’s 

notorious phrase for describing the logistics of post-nuclear survivalism. 

(172) 

The urge to “colonize the future” (ibid.: 181) is a mandate of apollonian 

political economics, explaining the dionysian wish to escape 

the hypnotic power of a simulation society. It also explains the 

desire to break that Saturnalian curse—the obligation to lead timebound 

lives—in order to experience what Bey has termed the clockless 

nowever (1991: 4). 

For the dionysian, Nietzsche reminds us, “[t]he ‘kingdom of 

God’ is nothing that one expects; it has no yesterday and no day 

after tomorrow, it will not come in ‘a thousand years’—it is an experience 

of the heart; it is everywhere, it is nowhere” (1982: 608). 

Libidinal millenarianism thus gives a negative answer to the question, 

“Has anyone anywhere in the history of the world ever genuinely 

believed in the reality of life after death?” (Lanchester 93). 

Eroticism can therefore be construed as an ongoing charivari 

against the worst serial killer in history: the grim reaper himself. 

Means to an End 

Conclusion 

It’s been a prevalent notion . . . . someday, somehow, 

before the end, a gathering back to home. A messenger from 

the Kingdom, arriving at the last moment. But I tell you 

there is no such message, no such home—only the millions 

of last moments . . . no more. Our history is an aggregate 

of last moments. 

Pynchon (148-49) 

My final image was given to me by a woman who spent one New 

Year’s Eve in a hotel room in Jakarta, Indonesia, watching the celebrations 

on television. At five minutes to midnight, the camera closed


in on one of those analogue clocks found in countless institutions 

such as schools and banks. Apart from some muffled cheers from off 

camera, nothing happened at the stroke of twelve. The lens remained 

on the clock-face until someone remembered, ten minutes later, to cut 

to a different show. 

In addition to providing a humorous pathos at this “technological 

lag” between different nations and economies, the face of that 

analogue clock reflects our thoughts and actions. As Frank Kermode 

puts it, what we hear as the “tick-tock” of a clock enacts “a tiny genesis 

and a tiny apocalypse,” from the first tick to the final tock (1995: 

250). Analogue clocks are diachronic: they show us where we have 

been and where we are going. But the digital clocks —of which the 

Genitron is the quintessential example—are synchronic. Each 

moment is severed from the previous one and the next. 

Baudrillard reminds us that the twentieth century could 

do nothing more than count the seconds separating it from its end 

without either being able, or really wanting, to measure up to that 

end—the digital clock on the Beaubourg Centre showing the 

countdown in millions of seconds is the perfect symbol. It illustrates 

the reversal of the whole of our modernity’s relation to time. 

Time is no longer counted progressively, by addition, starting from 

an origin, but by subtraction, starting from the end. This is what 

happens with rocket launches or time bombs. And that end is no 

longer the symbolic endpoint of a history, but the mark of a zero 

sum, of a potential exhaustion. (1997) 

The whole of the twentieth century can therefore be viewed as 

fundamentally millenarian in its outlook, defying the received 

wisdom that “life on the brink of the millennium is psychologically 

and politically impossible to sustain” (Rowland 55). Indeed, as 

I have endeavored to show, the modern era (at least from the 

Marquis de Sade onward) has witnessed a mode of organizing and 

absorbing eschatological exhaustion, defusing it and deploying it 

in equal measure. Life goes on despite the end being nigh; and 

these two clichés coexist in their own asymptotic relation, constantly 

canceling out each other without ever colliding. “We ‘live 

from the end,’” writes Kermode, “even if the world should be endless” 

(1975: 58). 

Postmillennial events have conspired so that we find ourselves 

at a red-light district performance of Waiting for Godot, in which we 

await a transcendent but belated climax. To bring forward the end 

by pulling God(ot) onstage, to expose the ideological pulleys and 

levers that held the world of Oz in suspense, is a triumphant rejection 

of the apollonian order. It is the empowering, and ultimately 

political, recognition that “[a]ll the agencies of repression and con-

182 

Conclusion 

trol are installed in this divided space, in the suspense between a 

life and its proper end, that is, in the production of a literally fantastic 

and artificial temporality” (Baudrillard 1993: 130). 

To defer the orgasm via genderless foreplay is merely to mimic 

the capitalistic Christian strategy of “tomorrow never comes.” The 

historical subject suffers the risks and frustrations of a millennialong 

coitus interruptus, a method discouraged by most health professionals 

on account of its unreliability. It therefore becomes paramount 

that we abandon the equation between progress and evolution, 

anticipation and salvation, and sexuality and satisfaction. In 

J. G. Ballard’s terms, we need to invent a myth of the future which 

does not preempt, foreclose, or dictate its unfolding. We need a “predictive 

mythology” that is not a blue-print for the engineering of 

tomorrow, but “an operating formula by which we can deal with our 

passage through consciousness” (Revell 42). 

If we are to change the apocalyptic graph we shall have to 

recode the thanatic asymptote. The orgy is over; long live the orgy. 

The desire for peak-experiences should not be conflated with the 

death-wish desire for transcendence. A palpable cultural wish for 

“something” to happen can occur within the space of the climax only 

if we deepen our understanding of libidinal millenarianism and its 

dionysian heritage. Erotic peak-experiences are followed by negativity 

only when we use them to distract ourselves from certain 

pressing realities. When the climax is simultaneously an anticlimax 

—as it was in the year 2000—we forget that it could be otherwise. 

For when the future is completely inscribed by the present, 

we are already history.

Notes 

1. The Eschaton is an enigmatic name applied to a transcendental 

object which lies at the end of history. It is the last of the Last Things. 

2. See also Aaron Lynch’s Thought Contagion: How Belief Spreads 

Through Society (New York: Basic Books, 1996), and Mark Dery’s warning 

against the Darwinian subtext of memes in The Pyrotechnic Insanitarium: 

American Culture on the Brink (1999), p.48-9. 

3. Throughout this book I distinguish the upper-case “Dionysian” from 

the lower-case “dionysian.” The former refers to discourses directly concerning 

the god Dionysus (as with Nietzsche), and the latter its generalization 

in more recent usage. The difference should not be overstated, however, 

given the inevitable overlap between these. The same is true of my 

distinction between “Apollonian” and “apollonian.” 

4. For the full behind-the-scenes pathos of this publicity stunt, see 

Gough Lewis’ independent documentary film, Sex: The Annabel Chong 

Story (1999). 

5. Traditionally, prophecy itself has been coded as feminine. 

Consequently, Derrida can refer to Hegel’s disgust at “mystagogic metaphysicians” 

behaving like “musclemen,” who “lately preach with enthusiasm 

a wisdom that costs them nothing, since they claim they have caught 

this goddess by the end of her robe and thus have made themselves her 

masters and lords . . .” (1984: 17). 

6. Traditionally associated with the pastoral, Dionysus has ancient 

links with the technological. One of the earliest documented automatons is 

believed to have been built in the first century AD by Hero of Alexandria, 

a Greek engineer who is said to have designed a mannequin theatre “in 

which the god Bacchus sprayed wine from his staff while bacchantes 

danced” (in Dery 114). 

7. Unless otherwise stated, all Maffesoli quotes in this section are from 

the 1996 edition of The Time of the Tribes (1988). 

183

184 

Notes 

8. A good deal of present-day scholarship which celebrates the antagonistic 

strategies of subcultures and marginalized peoples conflates the 

transgressive and the subversive, thereby failing to appreciate the fact 

that, “transgression does not seek to oppose one thing to another” 

(Foucault, 1977: 35). See also Stallybrass and White’s The Politics and 

Poetics of Transgression (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), particularly 

pp.17-8 and 201-2. 

9. I employ the upper case when I am specifically referring to the reified 

and deified construct of “nature.” 

10. This should not be confused with masochism (which traditionally 

has been interpreted as merely an inversion of Sadism), for Bataille’s selfdestruction 

is based on a totally different, and less Manichean, paradigm. 

See Gilles Deleuze’s “Coldness and Cruelty” in Masochism (1989), and also 

Leo Bersani’s The Freudian Body: Psychoanalysis and Art (New York: 

Columbia University Press, 1986). 

11. For the sake of consistency I use the contemporary spelling of 

“Dionysus” throughout this book; however, when quoting Nietzsche directly 

I use his spelling, “Dionysos.” 

12. Unless otherwise stated, all quotes in this section are from 

Wolfgang Schivelbusch’s comprehensive study, The Railway Journey 

(1980). 

13. Baudrillard, once again, feels the need to divide the history of the 

accident into three distinct stages: the “natural-unforeseeable” catastrophe 

of the pre-modern era, the “manufactured-foreseeable” catastrophe of the 

modern era, and the “pre-programmed-deliberate” catastrophe of the postmodern 

era (1994: 71). This chapter covers the transition from the second 

to the third stage of Baudrillard’s model. 

14. Coincidentally, 1996 marked the 100 th anniversary of the world’s 

first fatal car accident. On 17 August, Bridget Driscoll (aged 44) was hit on 

her way to a folk dance in South London. Witnesses described the offending 

vehicle as “coming at a great rate – as fast as a bicycle”. The coroner was 

quoted as saying that such a death “must never happen again” (Watkins). 

15. The narrator of Crash is provocatively named James Ballard. In 

order to avoid unnecessary confusion, I shall refer to this character as 

“James Ballard,” and to his authorial persona as “J.G. Ballard” or simply 

“Ballard.” 

16. A far more benign virus, namely the “Jes Grew” anti-plague of 

Ishmael Reed’s Mumbo Jumbo also transmits itself through technology 

and glossolalia, resulting in dancing rather than death: “Some plagues 

arise from decomposing animals, but Jes Grew is electric as life and is 

characterized by ebullience and ecstasy. Terrible plagues were due to the 

wrath of God; but Jes Grew is the delight of the gods” (6).

Notes 185 

17. In Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World (first published in 1932), the 

term of admiration reserved for women is “pneumatic.” This cyborgian 

image must date from the invention of inflatable tyres for cars. Its textual 

precursor is T.S. Eliot’s Grishkin, whose “friendly bust/Gives promise of 

pneumatic bliss” (“Whispers of Immortality,” first published 1920). 

18. In Decadence and the Making of Modernism (1995), David Weir 

draws attention to the ideological baggage which Darwin’s work has been 

asked to carry: “The scientific neutrality of Darwin’s ‘descent with modification’ 

was misinterpreted as progressive ‘evolution’ by the optimists, and 

as literal descent or decline by the pessimists” (xiii). 

19. This continuum is acknowledged in a 1997 advertising campaign 

by Sony, which employs Izaak Walton’s The Compleat Angler (1653) as a 

hinge between “artifice” and “hi-tech.” Fish hurl themselves at a floating 

television monitor which plays a video of insects. The narration is lifted 

straight from Walton: “Is it not an art to deceive a trout with an artificial 

fly?” 

20. All quotes from Maffesoli in this section are from this text. 

21. For a more detailed account of Joachim’s historical system, see 

Cohn, 1993: 108-9. 

22. Unless otherwise stated, all Baudrillard quotes in this section are 

from the 1993 edition of Symbolic Exchange and Death (1976). 

23. For more information on D’Annunzio’s occupation of the italian 

town of Fiume, see John Robert Woodhouse’s Gabriele D’Annunzio: Defiant 

Archangel (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998). For more on historical temporary 

autonomous zones, see Peter L. Wilson’s book Pirate Utopias: Moorish 

Corsairs and European Renegades (New York: Autonomedia, 1995). For 

more on John of Leyden’s New Jerusalem see Greil Marcus’s Lipstick 

Traces: A Secret History of the Twentieth Century (London: Secker & 

Warburg, 1993). Bible Belt “freedom zones” refer to those fuzzy areas mainly 

dotted throughout the American South and mid-West, claimed by anti- 

Government para-military organizations as autonomous territory outside 

the jurisdiction of the State. 

24. In an article entitled “Welcome to the Desert of the Real,” circulated 

by email immediately after the attacks on Manhattan and Washington, 

Slavoj Zizek writes: “Now, in the days immediately following the bombings, 

it is as if we dwell in the unique time between a traumatic event and its 

symbolic impact, like in those brief moment after we are deeply cut, and 

before the full extent of the pain strikes us - it is open how the events will 

be symbolized, what their symbolic efficiency will be, what acts they will be 

evoked to justify.” My claim, however, is that we have been dwelling in just 

this “unique time” since Sade, and most certainly since the bloodshot dawn 

of the twentieth century. This is the real meaning of the last pages of 

Pynchon’s Gravity’s Rainbow.

186 

Notes 

25. In their book Empire, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri promote 

just such potential in the emergent formations of the “global multitude,” 

which they believe “conceives the future only as a totality of possibilities 

that branch out in every direction” (Cambridge and London: Harvard 

University Press, 2000, 380).

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Ross, Kristin. Fast Cars, Clean Bodies: Decolonization and the Reordering 

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Schivelbusch, Wolfgang. The Railway Journey: Trains and Travel in the 

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2000 (the year), ix, 2–3, 145, 148, 

151, 168, 171–72, 182 

2001: A Space Odyssey 

See Kubrick, Stanley 

See also Clarke, Arthur C. 

Adamites 

See cults 

Agamben, Giorgio, x–xi, 177–78 

AIDS (HIV), 21, 112, 121, 126, 

134–35, 140, 142, 176 

See also virus 

alienation, 1, 30, 33, 46, 74–77, 81, 

103, 110, 133, 149, 155–56, 

159–61 

aliens, 5–6 

Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury, 25, 

27–29, 33, 88, 93, 179 

apocalypse, ix–188 passim. 

Apollo(nian), 7, 22, 24, 26, 29, 32, 

101, 109, 122, 130, 132, 138–39, 

164, 167, 181, 185 n.3 

Applewhite, Marshall Herff, 1–2, 4, 

7, 107 

See also cults; Heaven’s Gate 

A Rebours 

See Huysmans, J.-K. 

Armageddon, 6, 15, 29, 56, 123, 

129, 151, 158, 169, 179 

Autogeddon 

See crash, the 

arrivant(e), 176–77 

Index 

199 

artifice, 20, 30, 32, 60, 88, 102, 

107–10, 130, 143, 150, 153–56, 

187 n.19 

Aum Shinrikyo 

See cults 

Babel, 86–87 

Ballard, J.G., 6, 20, 66, 68, 70–83, 

87, 89–95, 97, 113, 125, 182, 186 

n.15 

Crash, 20, 66, 70–83, 87, 113, 

186 n.15 

Bataille, Georges, 5, 6, 7, 20, 

37–61, 74, 93, 121–22, 138, 143, 

155, 166, 171, 178–79, 186 n.10 

Baudrillard, Jean, xi, xv, 9, 12, 19, 

21, 33, 35, 64, 69, 71–78, 83, 

86–88, 92, 96, 98, 121, 133, 135, 

141–70, 172, 175, 181–82, 186 

n13, 187 n.22 

belatedness (psychology of), x–xi, 

103–04, 115 

Benetton, 143, 177 

Benjamin, Walter, xi, 81, 151, 179 

Bernstein, Michael André, 22, 129, 

164, 173, 176 

Bersani, Leo, 138, 186 

Bey, Hakim, 34, 97, 157–64, 180 

Bigelow, Kathryn 

See Strange Days

200 

Bin, Kimura, x 

Bliss Apocalypse, 133–34 

Bomb (the atomic), 21, 86, 124–29, 

139–40, 163, 167 

boredom, ix, 103, 110, 114, 125, 

155 

Boyer, Paul, 125–29 

Branch Davidians 

See cults 

See also Koresh, David 

Brecht, Stefan, 132–33 

Brown, Norman O., 52, 73, 118, 

123, 129, 131, 137–40, 142, 153 

Buck-Morss, Susan, 81 

Bukatman, Scott, 80 

on terminal identity: 69, 73–74, 

85, 94 

Burning Man Festival, 162, 168 

Butler, Judith, 93 

Carmageddon 


Cathars 

See cults 

Cherry 2000, 20, 78, 89–90, 96 

Chidester, David, 37–39, 52 

Chong, Annabel, 9, 185 n 4 

Christ, Jesus, 11, 16, 28, 41, 158 

anti–Christ, 53–57 

Christianity, 11, 18–19, 27, 40–61, 

101, 109, 112, 154–55, 162, 166, 

172 

Clarke, Arthur C., ix, 10, 163, 169 

See also 2001: A Space Odyssey 

climax, 12–16, 30, 102, 107, 112, 

134–36, 166, 173, 178, 181–82 

anti, ix, 21, 102, 166, 172, 182 

Cobain, Kurt, 152 

Cohn, Norman, 10–11, 45, 57, 131, 

147, 187 n.21 

cold war, the, 4, 129, 134–37, 140 

coming 

community, 177–78 

ejaculation, 14–16, 30–31, 58, 87 

second, 12, 19, 104, 115, 

150–52, 158 

Index 

Coupland, Douglas, 31 

crash, the, 64–98, 170 

Autogeddon, 78–82, 87, 91 

Carmageddon, 97–98 

Infocalypse, 78, 82–87, 172 

snow, 86–87, 94 

See also virus 

Crash 

See Ballard, J.G. 

Cronenberg, David, 73, 153 

Cuban missile crisis, 129 

cults 

Adamites, 13 

Aum Shinrikyo, 2, 11, 28, 165, 

178 

Branch Davidians, 2, 28, 159. 


Cathars, 22 

Extropians, 76, 163 

Heaven’s Gate, 1–7, 23, 28, 

107–08, 111, 143, 165, 176. See 

also Applewhite, 

Marshall Herff 

Movement (Heresy) of the Free 

Spirit, 9, 22, 42, 44–45 

Order of the Solar Temple, 2, 7 

Ranters, 131 

Select Followers of Oklahoma, 6 

culture, popular, 2, 20, 35, 37, 145, 

151–52, 166 

cyber 

gnosis, 161, 163 

punk, 7, 20, 32, 161 

sex, 31–32, 80, 88–96, 130 

space, 32–33, 69, 77, 82–87, 168 

(see also Metaverse) 

cyborg, 24, 70, 77–79, 86–90, 102, 

108, 179, 187 n.17 

See also Haraway, Donna 

D’Annunzio, Gabriele, 19, 159, 187 

n.23 

Daniel, Book of, 14 

Darwin, Charles, 3, 45, 86, 100, 

130, 154, 164, 187 n.18 

death drive, 48–50, 74, 138 

death fashion, 141–44, 151 

decadence, x, 9, 11–12, 19–20,

23–4, 30–31, 34–35, 45, 49, 78, 

97, 99–115, 118–19, 132, 138, 

142–44, 147, 156–58, 165, 187 

n.18 

Degeneration 

See Nordau, Max 

Deleuze, Gilles, 27, 144, 166, 169, 

186 n.10 

and Felix Guattari 27 

Dellamora, Richard, 21, 175–76 

Derrida, Jacques, 14–16, 30, 87, 

110, 172, 174, 176–77, 185 n.5 

Dery, Mark, 159, 178, 185 n.2 

Des Esseintes 

See Huysmans, J.-K. 

Diana, Princess, 91–93, 154 

Dionysian, ix–188 passim. 

Dionysus in ’69, 132–33 

Dolmance, 42–46, 171 

Domesday Book, 169 

Dostoevsky, Fyodor, 26 

Dr. Strangelove 

See Kubrick, Stanley 

During, Simon, 39 

Dylan, Bob, 12, 129 

dystopia(n), 45, 80, 96, 113, 158 

See also utopian 

Eagleton, Terry, 119 

entropy, ix, 9, 54, 57, 104, 110–14, 

149, 158 

Eros, 6, 19, 20, 22, 29, 32, 37–61, 

74, 97, 132, 136–38, 143, 153 

escape velocity, 3, 70, 81–82, 149, 

170 

eschatology, x, 2, 15, 18–19, 30, 40, 

56–57, 133, 138–39, 158, 163, 

176, 179 

Eschaton, 3, 125, 134, 163, 175, 

185 n.1 

Eternal Return, 12, 58–59, 150 

exhaustion (cultural), ix–x, 9, 11, 

22–23, 78, 100–101, 137, 158, 

169, 175, 177, 181 

Extropians 

See cults 

Index 201 

fin de siècle, 26, 35, 60, 99–114, 

119, 152, 178 

1890s, the 20, 118–19 

Flaubert, Gustave, 76, 99 

Foucault, Michel, 38, 40–42, 61, 

110–15, 123–24, 129 

Freud, Sigmund, 3, 6, 29, 39, 48, 

66, 77, 112, 121–22, 138 

Fukuyama, Francis, 149, 157 

future shock, ix, 67, 101 

Futurism 

See Marinetti, F.T. 

Gasché, Rodolphe, 88, 105–08 

Gates, Bill, 2, 169 

Microsoft, 63, 98 

Generation X, 58, 112, 125, 146, 166 

Gibson, William, 32, 70, 84–85, 

161, 168 

Ginsberg, Allen, 120, 129, 133 

globalization, 23, 101 

God (death of), 37, 40–42, 109 

Grant, Linda, 43, 80, 130–35 

Greer, Germaine, 118, 135 

Haraway, Donna, 77, 91, 140, 173, 

178 

See also cyborg 

Hardt, Michael, 188 n.25 

Heaven’s Gate 

See cults 

See also Applewhite, Marshall 

Herff 

Heidegger, Martin, x, 17–19, 97, 

162–63 

heroin chic, 142 

Hillman, James, 25, 29–32, 123 

Hiro Protagonist, 82–85 

See also Stephenson, Neal 

history, end of, 3, 104–06, 112, 149, 

157, 163 

Huysmans, J.–K., 23, 30, 66–68, 

76, 99, 102–114, 149–50, 165 

Des Esseintes, 30, 66–68, 88, 95, 

102–114 

A Rebours, 20, 95, 99, 102–114, 

149, 165

202 

Iliad, The, 84 

Infocalypse 


Internet, 2–4, 13, 30, 33, 63, 69–70, 

73, 84–87, 92, 98, 123, 161 

See also cyberspace 

See also Metaverse 

Jameson, Frederic, 141 

Jes Grew 

See Reed, Ishmael 

Joachim de Fiore, 13, 147, 187 n.21 

jouissance, 13, 76, 123 

Jünger, Ernst, 64, 74, 81, 171 

Kadrey, Richard, 31 

Kermode, Frank, 2, 13, 147–48, 

181 

Kerouac, Jack, 126–27 

Kingwell, Mark, 31, 68, 142, 152 

Koresh, David, 7, 29, 159 

See also cults; Branch Davidians 

Kroker, Arthur and Marilouise, 32, 

142 

Kubrick, Stanley, ix, 3, 136, 164 

Dr. Strangelove 136 

2001: A Space Odyssey ix, 3, 

92–93, 162–64 

Land, Nick, 37, 42, 48, 52, 57–60 

Last Judgment, 19, 27, 43, 45, 56, 

58, 104, 129, 172 

Lawrence, D.H,. 19, 140, 156–57, 

167 

Leary, Timothy, 118, 140, 164 

Levin, Charles, 144 

libertine(s), 30, 39, 42–49, 78, 95 

Lightman, Alan, 174 

Luddites, x, 144 

Lyotard, Jean–François, 53, 60 

Maffesoli, Michel, 19, 33–35, 52, 

121–23, 128, 156, 173, 185 n.7, 

187 n.20 

Manson, Charles, 1, 6, 22 

Marcuse, Herbert, 52, 118, 127, 

139, 153 

Index 

Marinetti, F.T., x, 66, 70–71, 93, 

102, 178 

Marx, Karl, 3, 99, 120, 147 

Marxism, 3, 86, 147 

McKenna, Terence, x, 4–6, 31, 140, 

157, 161–66 

McLuhan, Marshall, x, 22, 31, 63, 

71, 76, 89, 98, 143, 162, 173, 174 

memes (memetics), 4, 185 n.2 

Merivale, Patricia, 25–27 

messianism, 2, 4, 18, 29, 131, 139, 

146, 176–77 

Metaverse, 84–88 

See also cyberspace 

See also Internet 

Microsoft 

See Gates, Bill 

millenarian(ism), ix–188 passim. 

millenarianism, libidinal, xii, 3–7, 

13–15, 20–24, 27–30, 60, 95, 99, 

106, 113, 124, 130, 142, 145, 

148, 151, 175–182 

millennium bug 

See Y2K problem 

Mondo 2000, 8 

Movement of the Free Spirit 

See cults 

National Automated Highway 

System, 72 

Nature, 29, 39, 41–48, 53, 60, 

129–30, 186 n.9 

against, 38, 43, 45, 53, 97 

See also Huysmans, J.–K.; A 

Rebours 

necrophilia, 46, 73, 125, 136, 

141–44, 154 

Negri, Antonio, 188 n.25 

Neville, Richard, 117–18, 137 

Nietzsche, Friedrich, 6, 11, 18, 20, 

25–27, 30, 32, 35, 37–61, 70, 97, 

104, 109, 112, 125, 132, 140, 

143, 151, 162, 165, 168, 175, 

178–80, 185 n.3, 186 n.11 

The Birth of Tragedy, 53–57, 

109, 168 

Ecce Homo, 53, 57, 59, 104 

nihilism, 7, 9, 16, 18, 35, 41–47,

54–61, 78, 83, 93, 104, 109, 125, 

146, 159 

Nike, 1, 143 

Nordau, Max, 10–11, 65, 70, 93, 97, 

99–101, 104–08, 113–115, 178 

Degeneration, 10–11, 99–101, 

113-14 

nuclear 

deterrance, 151–52 

fear of, 29, 123–29 

war, 29, 134–37, 157, 176, 178 

Nuttall, Jeff, 122, 124–26, 131 

Odell, David, xii 

Order of the Solar Temple 

See cults 

orgy, 7–9, 32–35, 37, 110, 115, 

121–23, 128, 132–33, 144, 182 

after, ix, xi, xv, 7, 9, 24, 37, 95, 

104, 123, 142, 144, 151, 153, 

172–3, 178 

ante-festum, x–xi 

post-festum, x–xi, 19 

Overman (Übermensch), 55, 60, 

70–71, 140, 165 

See also Nietzsche, Friedrich 

pagan(s), 7–8, 33, 53–54, 75, 101, 

107, 109, 56, 160–61 

technopagans, 151, 161–68 

Paglia, Camille, 12–13, 67, 110, 

115, 118, 160, 173 

Pan, 6, 12, 25–35, 75, 95, 97, 109, 

156, 160, 162–63, 165, 167, 179 

panic, 6, 12, 25, 81, 109, 128, 132, 

134–37, 140, 152, 168 

sex, 32–34, 142 

Pill, the (contraceptive), 21, 124, 

127, 130–32, 140, 167 

Pixis Interactive, 32 

pornography, 9, 16, 30–32, 40, 48, 

74, 82, 88–91, 94–95, 132, 

135–36, 150, 152, 168 

postmodern, ix–x, 8, 30, 34, 89, 94, 

104–05, 141, 143, 145–46, 150, 

156, 166, 167, 169, 186 n.13 

postmodernism, 77, 126, 144, 

Index 203 

postmodernity, 20, 34, 57, 150, 

175, 179 

posthuman, 70–71 

posthumanist, 74 

potlatch, 51, 122, 129, 162 

prophecy, 79, 114–15, 139, 147–48, 

165, 176, 185 n.6 

self–fulfilling, 111, 152, 156, 173 

Pynchon, Thomas, 12, 152, 173–74, 

180, 187 n.24 

Quinby, Lee, 12, 173–77 

Ranters 

See cults 

rave(rs), 13–14, 21–22, 34, 159–68 

Real Doll, 90 

redemption, x, 5–6, 22, 48, 82, 98, 

106, 137–39, 163, 168, 173, 

178–79 

Reed, Ishmael, 175, 186 n.16 

Reich, Wilhelm, 44, 123, 137–38, 

153 

repentance, 112–13, 150–51 

Revelation 

of St. John, 14–18, 54, 57, 87, 

106, 157, 169, 178–79 

as a general concept, x, 1, 3, 6, 

12, 17–18, 59, 71, 91, 115, 138, 

149, 165, 173–74, 178–79 

Rivers, Theodore John, 17–19 

Robbins, Tom, 29, 117, 134 

Ross, Andrew, 180 

Rousseau, Jean Jacques, x, 44 

Rushkoff, Douglas, 162, 167 

Ruthven, Ken, 136 

Sade, Marquis de, 20, 37–61, 70, 

97, 102, 104, 109–10, 119, 125, 

143, 150, 171, 178, 181, 187 

n.24 

Salome, 110, 115 

salvation, x, 5, 10, 18, 93, 97, 126, 

139, 162–63, 169, 173, 177–78, 

182 

Schivelbusch, Wolfgang, 63–66, 186 

n.13

204 

Schopenhauer, Arthur, 58, 104, 138 

Select Followers of Oklahoma 

See cults 

Seven Seals, the, 15–16 

Shaftesbury (see Anthony, Earl of) 

Shaviro, Steven, 96, 174, 179 

Shoah, the, 21 

Situationists, 22, 125, 154, 158, 

160–61 

Sixties, the (1960s), 6, 20–21, 29, 

31, 54, 117–140, 145–46, 153, 

156–62, 164–66 

Snow Crash 

See Stephenson, Neal 

snow crash 


Sobchack, Vivian, 74, 77–78 

St. Augustine, 16 

St. John 

See Revelation, of St. John 

St. Theresa (of Avila), 5, 39, 50 

St. Thomas, 13 

Stableford, Brian, 112 

Stelarc, 70, 76, 140 

Stephenson, Neal, 7–8, 20, 70, 

82–88, 94, 179 

The Diamond Age, 7–8 

Snow Crash, 20, 70, 82–88 

Strange Days, 20, 93–96 

Swift, Jonathon, 127, 157–58 

techné, 17–19, 97, 107 

techno–music 

See rave(rs) 

Temporary Autonomous Zone, 34, 

97, 102, 156–61, 166–67, 187 

n.23 

See also Bey, Hakim 

terminal identity 

See Bukatman, Scott 

terrorism, 85, 148, 158, 174, 176 

thanatic asymptote, 48–52, 95, 

151, 178, 182 

Thanatos, 6, 19, 20, 22, 37–61, 74, 

97, 132, 135, 138, 143, 153 

Toffler, Alvin 

See future shock 

Index 

transcendence, 3, 22, 37–61, 81, 109, 

138, 156, 164–65, 170, 173, 182 

transgression, 3, 22, 37–61, 81, 95, 

142, 156, 160, 165, 179, 186 n.8 

UFOs, 4–6, 163, 165 

utopia(n), 3, 35, 45, 120, 137, 

158–60, 162, 165, 174, 175–79 

See also dystopia(n) 

Vaneigem, Raoul, 9, 155–56, 159 

Vaughan 

See Ballard; Crash 

Virilio, Paul, 50, 67–71, 81, 83, 85, 

92–96, 125, 137, 162 

virtual reality, 66–89, 92–96, 164 

virus, 4, 30, 126, 172, 176, 178, 186 

n.16 

computer, 84–87, 89, 172 

See also crash, the 

See also AIDS (HIV) 

Waco 

See cults; Branch Davidians 


Wagner, Richard, 30, 56, 100, 109 

Waite, Geoff, 20, 30, 32, 57, 168 

Walker, John, 46, 61 

Weir, David, 102–05, 187 n.18 

Weiss, Allen, S. 43, 60 

Whore of Babylon, xv, 14–15 

Woodstock, 137 

World, End of the, xii, 16, 22, 37, 

79, 124, 155, 157, 159, 169, 173 

X-Files, The, 1, 5, 165 

Y2K problem, 172 

Zarathustra, 11, 29, 35, 55 

Zizek, Slavoj, 187 n. 24 

Zoroaster 

See Zarathustra

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